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Full text of "The novels and miscellaneous works of Daniel De Foe : with a biographical memoir of the author, literary prefaces to the various pieces, illustrative notes, etc., including all contained in the edition attributed to the late Sir Walter Scott, with considerable additions"

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The present volume completes our edition of the 
Novels and Miscellaneous Works of Daniel De 
Foe, and in bringing our labours to a close, the 
publisher has to apologise for the delay which has 
occurred in the appearance, of the present and some 
preceding volumes ; a delay arising from the diffi- 
culty experienced in obtaining copies of some of the 
scarce tracts, which have been reprinted from the 
original editions. The publisher has to acknow- 
ledge the kind assistance which he has received for 
the additional notes and other interesting matter 
added to Chalmers' Life in the present volume ; 
as also to the proprietors of the Pulteney edition 
for their allowing him to reprint several tracts 
from their edition. 

The miscellaneous tracts which are reprinted 
in the present and preceding volumes have been 
copied from original editions in the British Museum, 
and from other rare copies. 

October 18, 1841. 




















VOL. I. 





VOL. V. 









VOL. X. 












BERIES, &c. 
















The ensuing Life was written for amusement, dur- 
ing a period of convalescence in 1785 ; and pub- 
lished anonymously by Stockdale, before The His- 
tory of the Union, in 1786. As the Author fears 
no reproach for such amusement, during such a 
period, he made no strong objections to Stock- 
dale's solicitations, that it might be annexed, with 
the author's name, to his splendid edition of Ro- 
binson Crusoe. The reader will now have the 
benefit of a few corrections, with some additions, 
and a List of De Foe's Writings. 




It is lamented by those who labour the fields of 
British biography, that after being entangled in 
briars they are often rewarded with the scanty pro- 
ducts of barrenness. The lives of literary men are 
generally passed in the obscurities of the closet, 
which conceal even from friendly inquiries the arti- 
fices of study, whereby each may have risen to emi- 
nence. And during the same moment that the dili- 
gent biographer sets out to ask for information, with 
regard to the origin, the modes of life, or the various 
fortunes of writers who have amused or instructed 
their country, the housekeeper, the daughter, or 
grandchild, that knew connections and traditions, 
drop into the grave. 

These reflections naturally arose from my inquiries 
about the life of the author of The History of The 
Union of Great Britian ; and of The Adventures of 
Robinson Crusoe. Whether he were born on the 
neighbouring continent, or in this island ; in London, 
or in the country ; was equally uncertain. And 
whether his name were Foe, or De Foe, was some- 
what doubtful. Like Swift, he had perhaps reasons 
for concealing what would have added little to his 
consequence. It is at length known, with sufficient 
certainty, that our author was the son of James Foe, 
of the parish of St. Giles's, Cripplegate, London, 




citizen and butcher. The concluding sentiment of 
The True-born Englishman, we now see, was then as 
natural as it will ever be just : — 

Then, let us boast of ancestors no more, 

For, fame of families is all a cheat ; 

' Tis personal virtue only makes us great 

If we may credit the gazette, Daniel Foe, or De 
Foe, as he is said by his enemies to have called 
himself, that he might not be thought an Englishman, 
was born in London 3 , about the year 1663. His 
family were probably dissenters b , among whom he 

a It is at last discovered, by searching the chamberlain's books, 
which have since been burnt, that our author was the son of 
James Foe, of the parish of Cripplegate, London, citizen and 
butcher ; who was himself the son of Daniel Foe, of Elton, in 
the county of Northampton, yeoman ; and who obtained his 
freedom by serving his apprenticeship with John Levit, citizen 
and butcher. Daniel Foe, the son of James was admitted, to 
his freedom by birth, on the 26th of January, 1687-8. I was 
led to these discoveries by observing that De Foe had voted at 
an election for a representative of London ; whence I inferred, 
that he must have been a citizen either by birth or service. 
But in the parish books I could find no notice of his baptism ; 
as his parents were dissenters. 

b In his preface to More Reformation, De Foe complains, 
that some dissenters had reproached him, as if he had said, 
" that the gallows and the galleys ought to be the penalty of 
going to the conventicle ; forgetting, that I must design to 
have my father, my wife, six innocent children, and myself, 
put into the same condition. To such dissenters I can only 
regret," says he, " that when I had drawn the picture, I did 
not, like the Dutchman with his man and bear, write under 
them, This is the man ; and this is the bear." De Foe ex- 
pressly admits that he was a dissenter, though no independent- 
fifth-monarchy man, or leveller. [De Foe, Works, edit. 1703. 
p. 326 — 448.] His grandfather, however, seems to have been 
of different feelings, as he kept a pack of hounds. From this 
fact it is inferred by his learned and laborious biographer, 
Mr. Walter Wilson, that he was of the royal party, as the 
puritans did not indulge in that amusement ; and also that he 
moved in a respectable station of life. De Foe himself thus 


received no unlettered education ; at least it is plain, 
from his various writings, that he was a zealous de- 
fender of their principles, and a strenuous supporter 
of their politics, before the liberality of our rulers 
in church and state had freed this conduct from 
danger. He merits the praise which is due to 
sincerity in manner of thinking, and to uniformity 
in habits of acting, whatever obloquy may have 
been cast on his name, by attributing writings to 
him, which, as they belonged to others, he was 
studious to disavow. 

Our author was educated at a dissenting academy, 
which was kept at Newington-green, by Charles 
Morton. He delights to praise that learned gentle- 
man 0 , whose instructive lessons he probably enjoyed 

alludes to his grandfather [Review, vol. vii. preface], " I re- 
member my grandfather had a huntsman that used the same 
familiarity with his dogs, and he had his Roundhead and his 
Cavalier, his Goring and his Waller, and all the generals of 
both armies were hounds in his pack, till the times turning, 
the old gentleman was fain to scatter the pack and make them 
up of more doglike surnames. ,, It seems also probable, that 
the property to which De Foe alludes as possessed by him- 
self, was inherited from this grandfather. " I have both a 
native and an acquired right of election in more than one 
place in Britain, and as such am a part of the body that ho- 
nourable house (of commons) represents, and from hence I be- 
lieve may claim a right in due manner to represent, complain , 
address, or petition them." [Review, vol. vi. p. 477.] Mr, 
Wilson corrects the mistake of Mr. Chalmers and other 
biographers, as to the date of De Foe's birth, which really 
took place in 1661, and not as stated by them in 1663. — Ed. 

c Works, 3rd. edit. vol. ii. p. 276. He was placed there when 
about fourteen years old, and appears to have been educated to 
his own satisfaction in afterlife. He described it as an academy 
where all the lectures, whether in philosophy or divinity, were 
given in English, and where consequently " though the scholars 
were not destitute of the languages, yet it is observed of them 
that they were by this made masters of the English tongue, and 
more of them excelled in that particular than of any school at 
that time. 1 ' Certainly no man ever better under stoadhow to use 



from 1675 to 1680, as a master who taught nothing 
either in politics, or science, which was dangerous 
to monarchial government, or which was improper 
for a diligent scholar to know. Being in 1705 ac- 
cused by Tutchin of illiterature, De Foe archly ac- 
knowledged, " I owe this justice to my ancient 
father, who is yet living, and in whose behalf I freely 
testify, that if I am a blockhead, it was nobody's 
fault but my own ; he having spared nothing that 

a plain, racy, thorough English style, than De Foe. But still he 
was not deficient in learning. He boldly asserts himself on this 
point, in the passage from which Mr. Chalmers has made an ex- 
tract in the text : " I have no concern to tell Dr. Browne I can 
read English, nor to tell Mr. Tutchin, I understand Latin ; non 
ita Latinus, sum ut Latine loqui. I easily acknowledge myself 
blockhead enough to have lost the fluency of expression in the 
Latin, and so far trade as been a prejudice to me, and yet I think 
I owe this justice to my ancient father, still living (1705), and in 
whose behalf I freely testify, that if I am a blockhead, it was no- 
body^s fault but my own ; he having spared nothing in my 
education that might qualify me to match the accurate Dr. 
Browne, or the learned Observator. As to Mr. Tutchin, I never 
gave him the least affront ; I have, even after base usage, in vain 
invited him to peace; in answer to which he returns unman- 
nerly insults, calumnies, and reproach. As to my little learning, 
and his great capacity, I freely challenge him to translate with 
me any Latin, French, and Italian author, and after that, to 
retranslate them crossways, for 20/. each book ; and by this he 
shall have an opportunity to show the world how much De 
Foe, the hosier, is inferior in learning to Mr. Tutchin, the 
gentleman." [Review vol. ii. p. 149.] He also vindicated 
Mr. Morton's academy from the charge made against it by the 
Rev. Samuel Wesley, father of the celebrated founder of 
Methodism, that antimonarchical and unconstitutional doctrines 
were taught there. De Foe especially denies this. His domestic 
education seems to have been according to the system then 
pursued by the strict and pious dissenters. He mentions that 
he began the task performed by many others of that then per- 
secuted body, of copying the Bible in shorthand, and that he 
finished the Pentateuch. [Review vol. vi. p. 573.] He was 
intended for the ministry ; but for what reason he relinquished 
that profession is not known. " It was his disaster," he says, 
" first, to be set apart for, and then to be set apart from, the 
honour of that sacred employ." — Ed. 



might qualify me to match the accurate Dr. B 

or the learned Tutchin d ." 

De Foe was born a writer, as other men are born 
generals and statesmen; and when he was not twenty- 
one, he published, in 1683, a pamphlet against a 
very prevailing sentiment in favour of the Turks, as 
opposed to the Austrians ; very justly thinking, as 
he avows in his riper age, that it was better the 
popish house of Austria should ruin the protestants 
in Hungary, than the infidel house of Ottoman should 
ruin both protestants and papists, by overrunning 
Germany 6 . De Foe was a man who would fight as 

d Review, vol. ii. p. 150. 

e Appeal, p. 51. This was not the first occasion of his 
appearing in print. His earliest effort as an author was an 
answer to Roger L'Estrange's Guide to the Inferior Clergy, 
and was intituled, Speculum Crape Gownorum ; or, A Looking- 
glass for the Young Academicks, newFoyl'd, with Reflectionson 
some of the late high-flown Sermons; to which is added, An 
Essay towards a Sermon of the newest fashion. By a Guide to 
the Inferior Clergy. Ridentem discere verum, quis vitat? 
It was published in 1682. This work, as might be anticipated, 
was a satiric attack on the clergy of that day. 

De Foe's object in the pamphlet mentioned in the text, was 
to assert the policy of defending the house of Austria, then 
closely and vigorously attacked by the Turks. The " prevailing 
sentiment," referred to by Mr. Chalmers, was a dissatisfaction 
with the emperor for his cruel persecution of the protestants in 
Hungary ; and which carried the national feeling so far as to 
make any assistance rendered to the emperor, even against the 
threatening Turks, extremely unpopular. De Foe, then very 
young, took the field on the weaker side, and strenuously main- 
tained the danger to Christendom arising from the Mahommedan 
power being allowed to enter Vienna. Happily, the courage 
of John Sobieski, king of Poland, prevented that, once 
imminent, danger. De Foe, in a late period of his life, thus 
refers to his conduct on this occasion. " The first time I had 
the misfortune to differ from my friends, was about the year 
1683, when the Turks were besieging Vienna, and the whigs in 
England, generally speaking, were for the Turks taking it; 
whilst I, having read the history of the cruelty and perfidious 



well as write for his principles ; and before he was 
three-and-twenty he appeared in arms for the duke 
of Monmouth, in June 1685. Of this exploit he 
boasts f in his latter years, when it was no longer 
dangerous to avow his participation in that imprudent 
enterprise, with greater men of similar principles. 

Having escaped from the dangers of battle, and 
from the fangs of Jefferys, De Foe found complete 
security in the more gainful pursuits of peace. Yet 
he was prompted by his zeal to mingle in the con- 
troversies of the reign of James II. whom he 
efficaciously opposed, by warning the dissenters of 
the secret danger of the insidious tolerance which 
was offered by the monarch's bigotry, or by the mi- 
nister's artificer When our author collected his 

dealings of the Turks in their wars, and how they had rooted 
out the name of the Christian religion in above threescore and 
ten kingdoms, could by no means agree with, and though then 
but a young man and a young author, I opposed it and wrote 
against it, which was taken very unkind indeed." [Vide 
Appeal to Honour and Justice.] — Ed. 
f Appeal. 

8 The title of De Foe's pamphlet, or pamphlets, on this 
subject, does not seem to be known, but he more than once in 
afterlife proudly refers to his efforts on that important matter. 
" The next time I differed with my friends, was when king 
James was wheedling the dissenters to take off the penal laws 
and test, which I could by no means come into. And as in 
the first I used to say, I had rather the popish house of Austria 
should ruin the protestants in Hungary, than that the infidel 
house of Ottoman should ruin both protestant and papist, by 
overrunning Germany, so in the other I told the dissenters I 
had rather the Church of England should pull our clothes off 
by fines and forfeitures, than that the papists should fall both 
upon the church and the dissenters, and pull our skins off by 
fire and fagot." [Appeal to Honour and Justice.] And 
again : " I never would have had the dissenters to join with 
king James, to take off the penal laws and test. No ; no : I 
thank God I was of age then to bear my testimony against it, 
and to affront some who were of a different opinion." [Review, 
vol. viii. p. 694.] — Ed. 



writings, he did not think proper to republish either 
his tract against the Turks, or his pamphlet against 
the king. 

De Foe was admitted a liveryman of London on 
the 26th of January, 1687-8 ; when, being allowed 
his freedom by birth, he was received a member of 
that eminent corporation. As he had endeavoured 
to promote the revolution by his pen and his sword, 
he had the satisfaction of partaking, ere long, in the 
pleasures and advantages of that great event. 
During the hilarity of that moment, the lord mayor 
of London asked king William to partake of the city 
feast on the 29th of October, 1689. Every honour 
was paid the sovereign of the people's choice. A 
regiment of volunteers, composed of the chief ci- 
tizens, and commanded by the celebrated earl of 
Peterborough, attended the king and queen from 
Whitehall to the Mansion-house. Among these 
troopers, gallantly mounted, and richly accoutred, 
was Daniel De Foe, if we may believe 01dmixon h . 

While our author thus displayed his zeal, and 
courted notice, he is said to have acted as a hosier 

h History, vol. ii. p. 37. The following is the passage in 
Oldmixon : " Their majesties, attended by their royal highnesses 
and a numerous train of nobility and gentry, went first to a 
balcony prepared for them at the Angel in Cheapside, to see the 
show ; which for the great number of liverymen, the full 
appearance of the militia, and the artillery company, the rich 
adornments of the pageants, and the splendour and good order 
of the whole proceedings, outdid all that had been seen before, 
on that occasion ; and what deserved to be particularly re- 
membered, says a reverend historian, was a royal regiment of 
volunteer horse, made up of the chief citizens, who being 
gallantly mounted and richly accoutred, were led by the earl 
of Monmouth, now earl of Peterborough, and attended there 
majesties from Whitehall. Among these troopers, who were 
for the most part dissenters, was Daniel De Foe, at that time a 
hosier in Freeman's Yard, Cornhill." [History of England, vol. 
iii. p. 3b\] 



in Freeman's Yard, Cornhill ; but the hosier 1 and 
and the poet are very irreconcilable characters. 
With the usual imprudence of superior genius, he 
was carried by his vivacity into companies who 
were gratified by his wit. He spent those hours 
with a small society for the cultivation of polite 
learning, which he ought to have employed in the 
calculations of the counting-house ; and being 
obliged to abscond from his creditors, in 1692, he 
naturally attributed those misfortunes to the war, 
which were probably owing to his own misconduct k . 

* Being reproached by Tutchin, in his Observator, with hav- 
ing been bred an apprentice to a hosier, De Foe asserts, in May, 
1705, that he never was a hosier, or an apprentice, but admits 
that he had been a trader. [Review, vol. ii. p. 149.] Oidmixon, 
who never speaks favourably of De Foe, allows that he had 
never been a merchant, otherwise than peddling a little to 
Portugal. [Hist. vol. ii. p. 519.] But, peddling to Portugal 
makes a trader. 

h These views of Mr. Chalmers seem confirmed by De Foe's 
own severe comments on the distraction caused to tradesmen 
by an over-indulgence in literary pursuits. In his Complete 
Tradesman, one of the most valuable practical books that was 
ever published, and which should be the manual of every young 
man beginning business, he says, " a wit turned tradesman ! no 
apronstrings will hold him ; it is in vain to lock him behind 
the counter, he is gone in a moment. Instead of journal and 
ledger, he runs away to his Virgil and Horace ; his journal 
entries are all Pindarics, and his ledger is all heroics. He is 
truly dramatic from one end to the other through the whole 
scene of his trade ; and as the first part is all comedy, so the 
two last acts are always made up with tragedy ; a statute of 
bankrupt is his exeunt (mines , and he generally repeats the 
epilogue in the Fleet prison or the Mint." [See ante, vol. xvii.] 
He is also very severe against tradesmen who are led away 
into expensive pleasures and idle company. But Mr. Wilson 
vindicates De Foe, in some degree, by showing from his own 
statements that he had been the victim of the fraud of others, 
as well as of his own imprudent habits. In one of the Reviews, 
[vol. iii. p. 70.] he says, that " nothing was more frequent than 
for a man in full credit to buy all the goods he could lay his 
hands on, and carry them directly from the house he bought 



An angry creditor took out a commission of bank- 
ruptcy, which was soon superseded on the petition 
of those to whom he was most indebted, who ac- 
cepted a composition on his single bond. This he 
punctually paid by the efforts of unwearied dili- 
gence. But some of those creditors, who had been 
thus satisfied, falling afterwards into distress them- 
selves, De Foe voluntarily paid them their whole 
claims, being then in rising circumstances from 
king William's favour K This is such an example of 
honesty as it would be unjust to De Foe and to the 
world to conceal. Being reproached in 1705 by 
lord Haversham with mercenariness, our author 
feelingly mentions ; " How, with a numerous family, 
and no helps but his own industry, he had forced 
his way with undiscouraged diligence, through a sea 
of misfortunes, and reduced his debts, exclusive of 
composition, from seventeen thousand to less than 
five thousand pounds m ." He continued to carry on 
the pantile works near Tilbury-fort, though pro- 
bly with no great success. It was afterwards sar- 
castically said, that he did not, like the Egyptians, 
require bricks without straw, but, like the Jews, re- 
quired bricks without paying his labourers 11 . He 

them at into the Fryars, and then send for his creditors, and 
laugh at them, insult them, showing them their own goods 
untouched, offer them a trifle in satisfaction, and if they refuse 
it, bid them defiance. I cannot refrain vouching this of my 
own knowledge, since I have more than many times been served 
so myself.'"' Certainly under such a monstrous system of abuse, 
an honest tradesman must have been at great disadvantage.-Ei). 

•The Mercator, No. 101. 

m Reply to Lord Haversham's Vindication. 

n Mr. Wilson has some valuable observations on this subject, 
which justice to the memory of De Foe requires us to tran- 
scribe. " The failure of this speculation seems to have been 
owing rather to the want of encouragement upon the part of 
the public, than to any imprudence in the projector. Pantiles 
had been hitherto a Dutch manufacture, and were brought in 



was born for other enterprises, which, if they did 
not gain him opulence, have conferred a renown 
that will descend the stream of time with the lan- 
guage wherein his works are written. 

While he was yet under thirty, and had mortified 
no great man by his satire, or offended any party 
by his pamphlets, he had acquired friends by his 
powers of pleasing, who did not, with the usual insta- 
bility of friendships, desert him amidst his distresses. 
They offered to settle him as a factor at Cadiz, 
where, as a trader, he had some previous corre- 
late quantities to England. To supersede the necessity of 
their importation, and to provide a new channel for the em- 
ployment of labour, the works at Tilbury were laudably erected ; 
and De Foe tells us that he employed a hundred poor la- 
bourers in the undertaking. The capital embarked in the 
concern must also have been considerable ; for he informs us 
that his own loss by its failure was no less a sum than three 
thousand pounds. But besides so serious a misfortune to him- 
self, it was no less so to the public ; not only by the failure of an 
ingenious manufacture, but for the sake of the numerous fa- 
milies supported by it, who were now turned adrift in the world, 
or thrown upon some other branch of trade. De Foe conti- 
nued the pantile works it is believed until the year 1703, 
when he was prosecuted by the government for a libel, and 
being deprived of his liberty the undertaking soon came to an 
end." Mr. Wilson adds an extract from one of the Reviews. 
(March, 1705,) in which De Foe indignantly refers to this un- 
dertaking and its calamitous issue. " Nor should the author 
of this paper boast in vain, if he tells the world that he himself, 
before violence, injury, and barbarous treatment destroyed him 
and his undertaking, employed a hundred poor people in mak- 
ing pantiles in England, a manufacture always bought in Hol- 
land; and thus he pursued this principle with his utmost zeal 
for the good of England ; and those gentlemen who so easily 
persecuted him for saying what all the world since owns to be 
true, and which he has since a hundred times offered to prove, 
were particularly serviceable to the nation, in turning that 
hundred of poor people and their families a begging for work, 
and forcing them to turn other poor families out of work to make 
room for them, besides three thousand pounds damage to the 
author of this, which he has paid for this little experience. "-Ed. 


spondence. In this situation he might have pro- 
cured business by his care, and accumulated wealth 
without a risk ; but, as he assures us in his old age, 
Providence, which had other work for him to do, 
placed a secret aversion in his mind to quitting 
England °. He had confidence enough in his own 
talents to think, that on this field he could gather 
laurels, or at least gain a livelihood. 

In a projecting age, as our author denominates 
king William's reign, he was himself a projector. 
While he was yet young, De Foe was prompted by 
a vigorous mind to think of many schemes, and to 
offer, what was most pleasing to the ruling powers, 
ways and means for carrying on the war. He wrote, 
as he says, many sheets about the coin ; he proposed 
a register for seamen, long before the act of par- 
liament was thought of ; he projected county banks, 
and factories for goods ; he mentioned a proposal 
for a commission of inquiries into bankrupt's 
estates ; he contrived a pension-office for the relief 
of the poor p. At length, in January 1696-7, he 

0 The sentence in italics is part of the passage in De Foe's 
Appeal to Honour and Justice, (in which he gives a summary 
of his life, and vindicates his conduct throughout it,) which par- 
ticularly refers to this period. We give the whole. u Misfor- 
tunes in husiness having unhinged me from matters of trade ; it 
was about the year 16.94, when I was invited by some mer- 
chants with whom I had corresponded abroad, and some also 
at home, to settle at Cadiz, in Spain ; and that with the offer 
of very good commissions. But Providence, which had other 
work for me to do, placed a secret aversion in my mind to 
quitting England upon any account, and made me refuse the 
best offers of that kind, to be concerned with some eminent 
persons at home, in proposing ways and means to the govern- 
ment for raising money to supply the occasions of the war, 
then newly begun." [Vide Appeal to Honour and Justice.] 

p Besides the topics mentioned by Mr. Chalmers, De Foe 
suggests various improvements in road-making, and an asylum 
for idiots. He also warmly advocates a great improvement in 
the system of education, and especially of females. Before the 



published his Essay upon Projects ; which he de- 
dicated to Dalby Thomas, not as a commissioner of 
glass duties, under whom he then served, or as a 
friend to whom he acknowledges obligations, but 
as to the most proper judge on the subject. It is 
always curious to trace a thought, in order to see 
where it first originated, or how it was afterwards 
expanded. Among other projects, which show a 
wide range of knowledge, he suggests to king Wil- 
liam the imitation of Lewis XIV., in the establish- 
ment of a society " for encouraging polite learning, 
for refining the English language, and for prevent- 
ing barbarisms of manners." Prior offered in 1700 
the same project to king William, in his Carmen 
Secular -e ; Swift mentioned in 1710 to lord Oxford 
a proposal for improving the English tongue ; and 
Tickell flatters himself in his Prospect of Peace, 
that " our daring language, shall sport no more in 
arbitrary sound." However his projects were taken, 
certain it is, that when De Foe ceased to be a 
trader, he was, by the interposition of Dalby Tho- 
mas probably, appointed, in 1695, accountant to the 
commissioners for managing the duties on glass ; 
who, with our author, ceased to act on the 1st of 

publication of the next work mentioned by Mr. Chalmers, De 
Foe took part in a controversy then very warmly agitated, viz., 
of Occasional Conformity. The Dissenters differed on this 
subject; one party being willing to comply outwardly with the 
ceremonies of the church, when in certain offices, and the 
other party objecting to that compliance as a sinful and das- 
tardly desertion from their principles of dissent. De Foe 
adopted the latter view, and, in 1697, maintained it with his 
accustomed warmth, in An Inquiry into the Occasional Con- 
formity of Dissenters in Parliament. He also vigorously took 
the field against the vices and social abuses of the times ; and, in 
1698, published The Poor Man's Plea in relation to all the Pro- 
clamations, Declarations, Acts of Parliament, &c, which have 
been or shall be made or published, for a Reformation of 
Manners, and suppressing Immorality in the Nation. — Ed. 



August, 1699, when the tax was suppressed by act 
of parliament % 

From projects of ways and means, De Foe's ar- 
dour soon carried him into the thorny paths of sa- 
tiric poetry ; and his muse produced, in January, 
1700-1, The True-born Englishman. Of the origin 
of this satire, which was the cause of much good 
fortune, but of some disasters, he gives himself the 
following account : During this time came out an 
abhorred pamphlet, in very ill verse, written by 
one Mr. Tutchin, and called The Foreigners ; in 
which the author, who he was I then knew not, fell 
personally upon the king, then upon the Dutch 
nation, and, after having reproached his majesty 
with crimes that his worst enemies could not think 
of without horror, he sums up all in the odious name 
of Foreigner. This filled me with a kind of rage 
against the book, and gave birth to a trifle which I 
never could hope should have met with so general 
an acceptation. The sale was prodigious, and pro- 
bably unexampled ; as Sacheverel's Trial had not 
then appeared 1 . The True-born Englishman was 

i 10 and 11 Wm. III. ch. 18. 

r De Foe says himself, that he had published nine editions 
fairly printed upon good paper, and sold at the price of one shil- 
ling, and that it had been printed twelve times by other persons 
without his concurrence. We must presume it to have produced 
a great effect. De Foe himself says, many years afterwards, 
" National mistakes, vulgar errors, and even a general practice, 
have been reformed by a just satire. None of our countrymen 
have been known to boast of being true-born Englishmen, or 
so much as to use the word as a title or appellation, ever since a 
late satire upon that national folly was published, though almost 
thirty years ago. Nothing was more frequent in our mouths be- 
fore that, nothing so universally blushed and laughed at since. 
The time I believe is yet to come for any author to print it, or 
any man of sense to speak of it in earnest ; whereas before you 
had it in the best writers, and in the most florid speeches before 
the most august assemblies, upon the most solemn occasions." 



answered, paragraph by paragraph, in February, 
1700-1, by a writer who brings haste to apologise 
for dulness. For this Defence of king William and 
the Dutch, which was doubtless circulated by de- 
traction and by power, De Foe was amply rewarded. 
" How this poem was the occasion," says he, " of my 
being known to his majesty ; how I was afterwards 
received by him ; how employed abroad ; and how, 
above my capacity of deserving, rewarded, is no 
part of the present case s . Of the particulars, 
which the author thus declined to tell, nothing 
can now be told. It is only certain that he was 
admitted to personal interviews with the king. 

[Use and Abuse of the Marriage Bed, p. 400.] The object of 
the poem is thus stated by the author in the preface : " The 
intent of the satire is pointed at the vanity of those who talk of 
their antiquity, and value themselves upon their pedigree, 
and being true-born ; whereas it is impossible we should be 
true-born ; and if we could, should have lost by the bargain. 
These sort of people who call themselves true-born, and tell 
long stories of their families, and like a nobleman of Venice, 
think a foreigner ought not to walk on the same side of the 
street with them, are owned to be meant in this satire. What 
they would infer from their long original, I know not, nor is it 
easy to make out, whether they are the better or the worse for 
their ancestors. Our English nation may value themselves 
for their wit, wealth, and courage, and I believe few nations 
will dispute it with them ; but for long originals and ancient 
true-born families, I would advise them to waive the discourse- 
A true Englishman is one who deserves a character, and I 
have nowhere lessened him that I know of." — Ed. 

s p. 13. We add the remaining part of this passage, which 
is extracted by Mr. Chalmers from the Appeal to Honour and 
Justice ; " And is only mentioned here as I take all occasions 
to do, for the expressing the honour I ever preserved for the 
immortal and glorious memory of that greatest and best of 
princes, and whom it was my honour and advantage to call 
master as well as sovereign, whose goodness to me I never 
forget, and whose memory I never patiently heard abused, and 
never can do so ; and who, had he lived, would never have 
suffered me to be treated as I have been in this world." — Ei>. 



who was no reader of poetry; and that for the 
royal favours De Foe was always grateful. 

When the pen and ink war was raised against a 
standing army, subsequent to the peace of Ryswick, 
our author published An Argument, to prove that a 
standing army, with consent of parliament, is not 
inconsistent with a free government t . " Liberty and 
property," says he, "are the glorious attributes of the 
English nation ; and the dearer they are to us, the 
less danger we are in of losing them ; but 1 could 
never yet see it proved, that the danger of losing 
them by a small army was such, as we should expose 
ourselves to all the world for it. It is not the king 
of England alone, but the sword of England in the 
hand of the king, that gives laws of peace and war 
now to Europe ; and those who would thus wrest the 
sword out of his hand in time of peace, bid the 
fairest of all men in the world to renew the war." 
He who is desirous of reading this treatise on an 
interesting topic, will meet with strength of argu- 
ment, conveyed in elegant language u . 

1 This pamphlet was published before the poem of the True- 
born Englishman, viz., in 1698, and was an answer to one by Mr. 
Trenchard, " showing that a standing army is inconsistent with a 
free government, and absolutely destructive to the constitution of 
the English monarchy." It is supposed that De Foe wrote 
another pamphlet on this subject, en tituled, Some Reflections on 
a pamphlet lately published, entituled, &c. (Mr. Trenchard's 
pamphlet.) 1697. But there is great doubt as to this work being 
De Foe's. — Ed. 

" Subsequently to the publication of the pamphlet referred 
to in the text, in the year 1700, the indefatigable De Foe was 
again in the political arena. The Spanish king hadjust died, be- 
queathirig the crown to the duke of Anjou, grandson of Lewis 
XIV. and Europe was anxiously awaiting the French monarch's 
decision. He subsequently broke through the partition treaty, 
and placed his grandson on the throne of Spain. In the mean- 
while, however De Foe published, a pamphlet, entituled, The 
Two Great Questions Considered : 1 . W hat the French king wi 11 
*lo with respect to the Spanish monarchy ? 2. What measures 



When the nation flamed with faction, the grand 
jury of Kent presented to the commons, on the 8th 
of May, 1701, a petition, which desired them, "to 
mind the public business more, and their private 
heats less ;" and which contained a sentiment, that 
there was a design, as Burnet tells, other counties 
and the city of London should equally adopt. 
Messrs. Culpeppers, Polhill, Hamilton, and Champ- 
neys, who avowed this intrepid paper, were com- 
mitted to the Gatehouse, amid the applauses of their 
countrymen. It was on this occasion that De Foe's 
genius dictated a Remonstrance, which was signed 
Legion, and which has been recorded in history for 
its bold truths and seditious petulance. De Foe's 
zeal induced him to assume a woman's dress, while 
he delivered this factious paper to Harley, the 
speaker, as he entered the house of commons x . It 

the English ought to take. In the same year, he published The 
Danger of the Protestant Religion, from the present Prospect 
of a Religious War in Europe. His object is to point out the 
powerful front presented by the popish party, and to warn and 
arouse England to the danger and defence of protestantism .-Ed. 

x Mr. Polhill, of Cheapstead-place, in Kent, whose father, 
Mr. David Polhill, was committed to the Gatehouse, and 
thereby gained great popularity, was so good as to communicate 
to me the curious anecdote of De Foe's dressing himself in 
women's clothes, and presenting the Legion paper to the 
speaker. De Foe says himself in his Original Power of the 
People, p. 24 : " this is evident from the tenor and yet undis- 
covered original of the Legion paper ; the contents of which 
had so much plain truth of fact ; and which I could give a better 
history of, if it were needful." When De Foe republished his 
works, in 1703, he thought it prudent to expunge this passage, 
that too plainly pointed out the real history of the Legion 
paper, which is not mentioned by the Commons Journals. 
Mr. Wilson thinks Mr. Chalmers mistaken in supposing that 
De Foe delivered the petition disguised as a woman. He says, 
M such a report was certainly current at the time, but the 
true history of it seems to be that which is related in the history 
of the Kentish petition ; it was said it was delivered to the 
speaker by a woman, but I have been informed since, that it 



was then also that our author, who was transported 
by an equal attachment to the country and the court, 
published The Original Power of the collective Body 

was a mistake, and it was delivered by the very person who 
wrote it, guarded by about sixteen gentlemen of quality, who if 
any notice had been taken of him, were ready to have carried 
him off by force.'" The Remonstration is too long a paper to 
be here reprinted, but the general tone and object of it will be 
gathered by the conclusion. "We do hereby claim and 
declare : — 

"1. That it is the undoubted right of the people of England, 
in case their representatives in parliament do not proceed ac- 
cording to their duty, and the people's interest, to inform them 
of their dislike, disown their actions, and direct them to such 
things as they think fit, either by petition, address, proposal, 
memorial, or any other peaceable way. 

" 2. That the house of commons, separately, and otherwise 
than by bill legally passed into an act, have no legal power to 
suspend or dispense with the laws of the land, any more than 
the king has by his prerogative. 

" 3. That the house of commons has no legal power to im- 
prison any person, or commit them to custody of sergeants, or 
otherwise, (their own members excepted,) but ought to address 
the king, to cause any person, on good grounds, to be appre- 
hended, which person so apprehended, ought to have the 
benefit of the Habeas Corpus act, and be fairly brought to trial 
by due course of law. 

" 4. That, if the house of commons, in breach of the laws and 
liberties of the people, do betray the trust reposed in them, and 
act negligently, or abritrarily and illegally, it is the undoubted 
right of the people of England, to call them to an account for the 
same, and by convention, assembly, or force, may proceed 
against them as traitors and betrayers of their country. 

" These things we think proper to declare, as the unquestion- 
able right of the people of England, whom you serve, and in pur- 
suance of that right, (avoiding the ceremony of petitioning our 
inferiors, for such you are by your present circumstances, as the 
person sent is less then the sender,) we do publicly protest 
against all your aforesaid illegal actions, and in the name of 
ourselves, and of all the good people of England, do require 
and demand : — 

" 1. That all the public just debts of the nation be forthwith 
paid and discharged. 

" 2. That all persons illegally imprisoned, as aforesaid, be 



of the People of England examined and asserted 
This timeful treatise he dedicated to king William, 
in a dignified strain of nervous eloquence. " It is 
not the least of the extraordinaries of your majesty's 
character," says he, "that, as you are king of your 

either immediately discharged, or admitted to bail, as by law 
they ought to be ; and the liberty of the subject recognised and 

" 3. That John Home, aforesaid, be obliged to ask his 
majesty's pardon for his vile reflections* or be immediately 
expelled the house. 

4,6 4. That the growing power of France be taken into consi- 
deration ; the succession of the emperor to the crown of Spain 
supported ; our protestant neighbours protected, as the interest 
of England and the protestant religion requires. 

" 5. That the French king be obliged to quit Flanders, or his 
majesty be addressed to declare war against him. 

" 6. That suitable supplies be granted to his majesty for the 
putting all these necessary things in execution, and that care 
be taken that such taxes as are raised, may be more equally 
assessed and collected, and scandalous deficiences prevented. 

" 7. That the thanks of this house may be given to those gen- 
tlemen who so gallantly appeared in the behalf of their country 
with the Kentish petition, and have been so scandalously used 
for it. 

" Thus, gentlemen, you have your duty laid before you, which 
it is hoped you will think of ; but if you continue to neglect 
it, you may expect to be treated according to the resentment 
of an injured nation ; for Englishmen are no more to be slaves 
to parliaments, than to kings. 

" Our name is Legjon, and we are Many." 

De Foe seems to have written a History of the Kentish Pe- 
tition. And in the following year, 1702, he is supposed to 
have written Legion's Newspaper ; being a Second Memorial 
to the Gentlemen of the late House of Commons. — Ed. 

y This pamphlet was in reply to sir Humphrey Mackworth's 
Vindication of the Rights of the Commons of England; 
and recent events, arising out of Stockdale's proceedings against 
Mr. Hansard for publishing a report of the house of commons, 
have made both sir Humphrey's and De Foe's pamphlets ex- 
tremely interesting to the political world. De Foe maintains 
four general propositions as the foundation of his argument. 

1. "That all government is instituted for the protection of the 
governed. " 2. That its constituent members, whether king, 



people, so you are the people's king ; a title, which, 
as it is the most glorious, so it is the most indisput- 
able." To the lords and commons he addresses 
himself in a similar tone : The vindication of the 
original right of all men to the government of them- 
selves, he tells them, is so far from being a derogation 

lords, or commons, if they invert the great end of their institu- 
tion, the public good, cease to be ; and power retreats to its 

" 3. That no collective or representative body of men what- 
ever, in matters of politics or religion, have been infallible. 

" 4. That reason is the test and touchstone of laws, which cease 
to be binding, and become void, when contradictory to reason. " 
He also maintains that no power has a right to dispense with the 
laws, and deduces that when such a right is assumed by either 
of the three powers, the constitution suffers a convulsion, and is 
dissolved of course. This tract hashad considerable reputation. 
Mr. Wilson tells us, " that during the contest between the 
house of commons and the celebrated Mr. Wilkes, who was 
refused his seat, although repeatedly returned by his consti- 
tuents, it was judged seasonable to reprint this work. It was 
accordingly published in 8vo. in 1769, by R Baldwin, ac- 
companied by some distinguished characters of a parliament man, 
by the same author, and is stated in the title-page to be the 
third edition. Prefixed to the work is a spirited dedication to 
the right honourable the lord mayor, the aldermen, and commons, 
of the city of London." [The dedication, amongst other things, 
states, " the reprinting of this excellent piece of the celebrated 
Daniel De Foe, who seems to have understood as well as any 
man the civil constitution of the kingdom, wherein the nature 
of our own constitution is set in the clearest light, upon self- 
evident principles, and the original power of the collective 
body of the people asserted, seemed to be altogether seasonable 
and fitting. It is with propriety addressed to the body of men 
which has always stood, like Mars in the gap, against all en- 
croachments on the liberties of the people, and to which the 
nation hitherto owes its freedom and prosperity," &c] The 
chief magistrate at that time was the patriotic alderman Beck- 
ford, who has a noble statue erected by his fellow- citizens in 
their Guildhall, to commemorate his worth. De Foe's work 
was reprinted, for the fourth time, at the logographic press, and 
included in the " Selection" from his writings published by the 
late Mr. John Walker, in 1790. [Life of DeFoe, vol. i. p. 436.] 




from, that it is a confirmation of their legal authority. 
Every lover of liberty must be pleased with the 
perusal of a treatise, which vies with Mr. Locke's 
famous tract in powers of reasoning, and is superior 
to it in the graces of style. 

At a time when " union and charity, the one re- 
lating to our civil, and the other to our religious 
concerns, were strangers in the land," De Foe pub- 
lished The Freeholder's Plea against Stockjobbing 
Elections of Parliament men z . " It is very rational 
to suppose," says our author, " that they who will 
buy will sell ; or, what seems more rational, they 
who have bought must sell." This is certainly a 
persuasive performance, though we may suppose, 
that many voters were influenced then by arguments 
still more persuasive. And he concludes with a 

z This pamphlet was published before the events mentioned 
in the preceding paragraph of the text. It was preceded by 
another pamphlet of our indefatigable author, entituled, Six 
Distinguishing Characters of a Parliament man. As the pamph- 
lets of De Foe illustrate not only the character of the author, 
but the spirit of the times, we give a summary of the 6 Distin- 
guishing characteristics' of the member of the house, desired 
by De Foe. 1. He must be a thorough partisan of the revo- 
lution, neither papist nor Jacobite. 2. A man of religion, of 
orthodox principles, and moral practice. 3. "A parliament 
man" says the sensible and experienced author, " ought to be a 
man of general knowledge, acquainted with the true interest of 
his country as to trade, liberties, laws, and common circumstances, 
especially of that part of it for which he serves. He ought to 
know how to deliver his mind with freedom and boldness, and 
pertinently to the case ; to understand when our liberties are 
encroached upon, and be able to defend them : and to dis- 
tinguish between a prince, who is faithful to liberty, and the 
interest of his country, and one whose business it is to invade 
both liberty and property." 4. He should be a man in years. 
5. And of thorough honesty. 6. And of morals. This pam- 
phlet was followed by the one mentioned in the text, and that 
again almost immediately by The Villany of Stockjobbers 
detected ; and the Cause of the late Run upon the Banks and 
Bankers discovered and considered. — Ed. 



sentiment, which has not been too often repeated, 
That nothing can make us formidable to our neigh- 
bours, and maintain the reputation of our nation, but 
union among ourselves. 

How much soever king William may have been 
pleased with The True-born Englishman, or with 
other services, he was little gratified probably by our 
author's Reasons against a War with France. This 
argument, showing that the French king's owning the 
prince of Wales as king of England, is no sufficient 
ground of a war, is one of the finest, because it is 
one of the most useful, tracts in the English lan- 
guage a . After remarking the universal cry of the 
people for war, our author declares he is not against 
war with France, provided it be on justifiable 
grounds ; but, he hopes, England will never be so 
inconsiderable a nation, as to make use of dishonest 
pretences to bring to pass any of her designs ; and 
he wishes that he who desires we should end the 
war honourably, ought to desire also that we begin 
it fairly. " But if we must have a war," our author 
hoped, " it might be wholly on the defensive, in 
Flanders, in order to carry on hostilities in remote 
places, where the damage may be greater, by wound- 
ing the Spaniard in some weaker part ; so as upon 
a peace he shall be glad to quit Flanders for an 
equivalent." Who at present does not wish that 
De Foe's argument had been more studiously read, 
and more efficaciously admitted ? 

a The author of De Foe's life in the Biographia Britannica, 
Dr. Towers, says, " in this piece De Foe wrote against the views 
and conduct of the court, and against what then seemed to be 
the prevailing sentiment of the nation. He appears however 
to have been perfectly right, to have exhibited on this occasion 
great political discernment, and to have been influenced 
by no motives but those of public spirit." Many opponents 
entered the field against De Foe upon this subject. — Ed. 



A scene of sorrow soon after opened, which pro- 
bably embittered our author's future life. The 
death of king William deprived him of a protector, 
who, he says, trusted, esteemed, and much more 
valued him than he deserved : and who, as he 
flattered himself amidst his later distresses, would 
never have suffered him to be treated as he had been 
in the world. Of that monarch's memory, he says, 
that he never patiently heard it abused, nor ever 
could do so ; and in this gratitude to a royal bene- 
factor there is surely much to praise, but nothing to 
blame b . 

b De Foe frequently vindicates the memory of William III., 
but more especially in his Reviews. In 1 702, he published The 
Mock Mourners, a satire by way of elegy on king William. 
By the author of the True-born Englishman. De Foe's sum- 
mary of William III.'s character in the reviews is as follows : — 

" It may, perhaps, be thought by some people a digression too 
remote from my present pursuit, when I launch out into the crimes 
of a party ; but, if I am carried into extremes when the memory 
of king William is touched, I am altogether careless of making 
an excuse ; and I acknowledge myself less master of my temper 
in that case, than in anything I can be touched in besides. 
The memory of that glorious monarch is so dear, and so valu- 
able in the hearts of all true protestants, that have a sense both 
of what they escaped and what they enjoy by his hand, that it 
is difficult to retain any charity for their principles that can 
forget the obligation. His name is a word of congratulation ; 
and ' The immortal memory of king William,' will be a health, 
as long as drinking healths is suffered in this part of the world. 

" Let the ungrateful wretch that forgets what God wrought by 
his hand, look back upon popery coming in like a flood; 
property trampled underfoot ; all sorts of cruelties and butcheries 
in practice in Scotland, and approaching in England ! Let him 
review the insolence of the soldiery, the inveteracy of the court 
party, the tyranny, perjury, and avarice of governors ; and at 
the foot of the account let him write, Delivered by king William. 
Then let him look back on the prince : How great, how splendid, 
how happy, how rich, how easy, and how justly valued by 
friends and enemies ! He lived before in the field glorious, 
feared by enemies of his country, loved by the soldiery, having 



In the midst of that furious contest of party, 
civil and religious, which ensued on the accession 
of queen Anne, our author was no unconcerned 
spectator. He reprinted his Inquiry into the Oc- 
casional Conformity of Dissenters c , which had been 
published in 1697, with a dedication to sir Hum- 
phrey Edwin, a lord mayor, who having carried the 
regalia to a conventicle, gave rise to some wit in 
The Tale of a Tub, and occasioned some clauses in 
an act of parliament. De Foe now dedicated his 
Inquiry to John How, a dissenting minister, of 
whom Anthony Wood speaks well. Mr. How did 

a vast inheritance of his own, governor of a rich state, blessed 
with the best of consorts, and as far as this life could give, 
completely happy. Compare this with the gaudy crown we 
gave him. Had a visible scheme been laid with it, of all the 
uneasinesses, dangers, crosses, disappointments, and dark pros- 
pects which that prince found with it, no wise man would have 
taken it off the dunghill, or come out of gaol to be master of it. 

" Unhappy Englishmen ! Is this the man you leproach ? Had 
he any failing but that he bare too much with the most bar- 
barous usage in the world ? Had he not the most merit and 
the worst treatment that ever king in England met with ? 

"Who can hear men tell us, they helped to make him king, 
and were not considered for it ? You helped to make him king ! 
Pray what merit do you plead, and from whom was the debt ? 
You helped to make him king ? That is, you helped to save 
your country, and ruin him ; you helped to recover your own 
liberties and those of your posterity, as you ought to have been 
blasted from heaven if you had not, and now you claim re- 
wards from him ! I will tell you how he rewarded you fully: 
he rewarded you by sacrificing his peace, his comfort, his fortune, 
and his country, to support you. He died a thousand times in 
the chagrin, vexation, and perplexity he had from the unkind- 
ness and treachery of his friends, and the numberless hazards 
of the field against the enemy. And yet all would not satisfy 
a craving generation, an insatiable party, who thought all the 
taxes raised for the war, given, not to the nation, but to the 
king, and endeavoured to blot the best character in the world 
with the crimes of those whom they themselves recommended 
him to trust." [Review, 1707, vol. iv. p. 77.] 

c See note p. 11-12. 



not much care, says Calamy d , to enter upon an ar- 
gument of that nature with one of so warm a tem- 
per as the author of that Inquiry, and contented 
himself with publishing some Considerations on the 
Preface of an Inquiry concerning the Occasional 
Conformity of Dissenters. De Foe's pertinacity 
soon produced a reply e . He outlaughs and out- 
talks Mr. How, who had provoked his antagonist's 
wrath by personal sarcasms, and who now thought it 
hard that the old should be shoved off the stage by 
the young. De Foe reprobates, with the unforbear- 
ance of the times, " this fast and loose game of reli- 
gion ;" for which he had never met with any con- 
siderable excuse but this, "that this is no conform- 
ity in point of religion, but done as a civil action." 
He soon after published another Inquiry, in order 
to show, that the dissenters are no ways concerned 
in occasional conformity. The controversy, which 
in those days occasioned such vehement contests 
between the two houses of parliament, is probably 
silenced for ever. 

" During the first fury of high-flying," says he " I 
fell a sacrifice for writing against the madness of 
that high party, and in the service of the dissenters." 
He alludes here to The Shortest Way ; which he 
published towards the end of the year 1702; and 
which is a piece of exquisite irony, though there 
are certainly passages in it that might have shown 
considerate men how much the author had been in 
jest. He complains how hard it was, that this 
should not have been perceived by all the town, 
and that not one man can see it, either churchman 
or dissenter. This is one of the strongest proofs 
how much the minds of men were inflamed against 

d Life of Mr. John How, p. 210. 

e A Letter to Mr. How, by way of Reply to his Consider- 
ations, &c. 1701. 



each other, and how little the virtues of mutual 
forbearance and personal kindness existed amid the 
clamour of contradiction, which then shook the 
kingdom, and gave rise to some of the most re- 
markable events in our annals f . The commons 

f De Foe afterwards described the effect produced by this 
book. "The soberer churchmen, whose principles were 
founded on charity, and who had their eye upon the laws and 
constitution of their country, as that to which their own liber- 
ties were annexed, though they still believed the book to be 
written by a high- churchman, yet openly exclaimed against 
the proposal, condemned the warmth that appeared in the 
clergy against their brethren, and openly professed that such a 
man as Sacheverel and his brethren would blow up the foun- 
dations of the church. But either side had scarce time to 
discover their sentiments, when the book appeared to have 
been written by a dissenter ; that it was designed in derision of 
the standard held up by Sacheverel and others ; that it was a 
satire upon the fury of the churchmen, and a plot to make the 
rest discover themselves. Nothing was more strange than to 
see the effect upon the whole nation which this little book, a 
contemptible pamphlet of but three sheets of paper, had, and 
in so short a time too. The most forward, hot, and furious, as 
well among the clergy as others, blushed when they reflected 
how far they had applauded the book ; raged that such an 
abuse should be put upon the church ; and as they were obliged 
to damn the book, so they were strangely hampered between the 
doing so, and pursuing the rage at the dissenters. The greater 
part, the better to qualify themselves to condemn the author, 
came earnestly in to condemn the principle ; for it was impos- 
sible to do one without the other. They laboured incessantly, 
both in print and in pulpit, to prove that this was a horrible 
slander upon the church. But this still answered the author's 
end the more ; for they could never clear the church of the 
slander, without openly condemning the practice ; nor could 
they possibly condemn the practice without censuring those 
clergymen who had gone such a length already as to say the 
same thing in print. Nor could all their rage at the author of 
that book contribute anything to clear them, but still made the 
better side the worse. It was plain they had owned the doc- 
trine, had preached up the necessity of expelling and rooting 
out the dissenters in their sermons and printed pamphlets ; 
that it was evident they had applauded the book itself, till they 



showed their zeal, however they may have studied 
their dignity, by prosecuting « several libellists. 

During the previous twenty years of his life, De 
Foe had busied himself unconsciously in charging a 
mine, which now blew himself and his family into 
air. He had fought for Monmouth ; he had op- 
posed king James ; he had vindicated the Revolu- 
tion ; he had panegyrised king William ; he had 
defended the rights of the collective body of the 
people ; he had displeased the treasurer and the 
general, by objecting to the Flanders' war ; he had 
bantered sir Edward Seymour, and sir Christopher 
Musgrave, the tory leaders of the commons ; he 
had just ridiculed all the high-fliers in the king- 
dom ; and he was at length obliged to seek for 
shelter from the indignation of persons and parties, 
thus overpowering and resistless. 

A proclamation was issued in January, 1702-3 h , 

knew the author ; and there was no other way to prevent the 
odium falling on the whole body of the church of England, 
but by giving up the authors of those mad principles, and openly 
professing moderate principles themselves." [Present State of 
Parties, p. 18.] 

? On the 25th of February, 1702-3, a complaint was made 
in the house of commons, of a book entituled The Shortest 
Way with the Dissenters : and the folios 11-18 and 26 be- 
ing read, resolved, That this book, being full of false and scan- 
dalous reflections on this parliament, and tending to promote 
sedition, be burnt by the hands of the common hangman, to- 
morrow, in New Palace-yard. 14 Jour. p. 207. 

h He who is desirous of reading the proclamation, may be 
gratified by the following copy from the London gazette, No. 
3879 :— 

"St. James's, Jan. 10th, 1702-3. 
" Whereas Daniel De Foe, alias De Fooe, is charged with 
writing a scandalous and seditious pamphlet, entituled The 
Shortest Way with the Dissenters: he is a middle-sized spare 
man, about forty years old, of a brown complexion, and dark- 
brown coloured hair, but wears a wig, a hooked nose, a sharp 



offering a reward of fifty pounds for discovering 
his retreat. De Foe was described by the gazette, 
" as a middle-sized spare man, about forty years 
old, of a brown complexion, and dark brown hair, 
though he wears a wig, having a hook nose, a 
sharp chin, grey eyes, and a large mole near his 

He soon published An Explanation ; though he 
" wonders to find there should be any occasion for 
it." " But since ignorance," says he, " has led 
most men to a censure of the book, and some peo- 
ple are like to come under the displeasure of the 
government for it; in justice to those who are in 
danger to suffer by it ; in submission to the par- 
liament and council, who may be offended at it ; 
and courtesy to all mistaken people, who, it seems, 
have not penetrated into the real design, the au- 
thor presents the world with the genuine meaning 
of the paper, which he hopes may allay the anger of 
government, or at least satisfy the minds of such as 
imagine a design to inflame and divide us 1 ". Nei- 

chin, grey eyes, and a large mole near his mouth ; was born in 
London, and for many years was a hose-factor, in Freeman 's- 
yard, in Cornhill, and now is owner of the brick and pantile 
works near Tilbury- fort, in Essex : whoever shall discover the 
said Daniel De Foe to one of her majesty's principal secreta- 
ries of state, or any of her majesty's justices of peace, so as he 
may be apprehended, shall have a reward of fifty pounds, which 
her majesty has ordered immediately to be paid upon such dis- 

' The next paragraph of the passage further explains De Foe's 
object. " The ' Sermon preached at Oxford,' the 6 New Associ- 
ation,' the 6 Poetical Observator,' with numberless others, have 
said the same things in terms very little darker; and this book 
stands fair to let these gentlemen know, that what they design 
can no further take with mankind, than as their real meaning 
stands disguised by artifice of words ; but that, when the per- 
secution and destruction of the dissenters, the very thing they 
drive at, is put into plain English, the whole nation will start 



ther his submissiveness to the ruling powers, nor his 
generosity to his printers, was a sufficient shield 
from the resentment of his enemies. He was 
found guilty of a libel, sentenced to the pillory, and 
adjudged to be fined and imprisoned k . Thus, as he 
acknowledges, was he a second time ruined ; and by 
this affair, as he asserts, he lost above £3,500 ster- 
ling, which consisted probably in his brick works, 
and in the more abundant product of his pen. 

When by these means, immured in Newgate, our 
author consoled himself with the animating reflec- 
tion, that, having meant well, he unjustly suffered. 

other notions, and condemn the author to be hanged for his 
impudence. He humbly hopes, he shall find no harder 
treatment for plain English without design, than those gentle- 
men for their plain design, in duller and darker English. The 
meaning then of the paper is, in short, to tell these gentlemen 
that it is nonsense to go round about and tell us of the crimes 
of the dissenters, to prepare the world to believe they are 
not fit to live in a human society ; that they are enemies to the 
government and the laws, to the queen, and the public peace, 
and the like ; the shortest way and the soonest, would be to 
tell us plainly, that they would have them all hanged, ba- 
nished, and destroyed.'" 

k At his trial he was treated by the then attorney-general, 
sir Simon Harcourt, in the style of sir Edward Coke. He 
complained himself bitterly of the conduct of his own counsel. 
He was sentenced to pay a fine of two hundred marks to the 
queen, to stand three times in the pillory, be imprisoned dur- 
ring the queen's pleasure, and find sureties for his good beha- 
viour during seven years ! Well may the learned and candid 
biographer, in the Biographia Britannia, exclaim, " The very 
infamous sentence reflected much more dishonour upon the 
court by which it was pronounced, than upon De Foe upon 
whom it was inflicted." But when he stood in the pillory, 
instead of suffering an ignominious punishment, he appears ra- 
ther to have enjoyed a striking triumph. He says, " The 
people, who were expected to treat him very ill, on the con- 
trary, pitied him, and wished those who set him there were 
placed in his room, and expressed their affections by loud 
shouts and acclamations when he was taken down." [Conso- 



He had a mind too active to be idle in the solitude 
of a prison, which is seldom invaded by visitors. 
And he wrote a hymn to the pillory, that — 

Hieroglyphic state machine, 
Contrived to punish fancy in. 

In this ode the reader will find satire, pointed by 
his sufferings ; generous sentiments, arising from 
his situation ;. and an unexpected flow of easy 
verse. For example : 

The first intent of laws 
Was to correct the effect, and check the cause. 

And all the ends of punishment 
Were only future mischiefs to prevent : 

But justice is inverted, when 
Those engines of the law, 

Instead of pinching vicious men, 
Keep honest ones in awe 1 . 

He employed this involuntary leisure in correct- 
ing for the press a collection of his writings, which, 
with several things he had no hand in, had been 
already published by a piratical printer. He thought 
it a most unaccountable boldness in him to print 
that particular book called The Shortest Way with 
the Dissenters, while he lay under the public re- 
sentment for the same fact. In this collection of 
1703, there are one-and-twenty treatises in poetry 
and prose, beginning with The True-born English- 

1 The Hymn was published in 1703, and ran rapidly through 
several editions. In 1702, before his prosecution, he published 
a satiric poem on the vices of the age, entitled " Reformation of 
Manners." During his imprisonment, he continued the sub- 
ject in another poem, entituled, " More Reformation. A Satire 
upon himself." — Ed. 



man, and ending with The Shortest Way to Peace 
and Union. To this volume there was prefixed the 
first print of De Foe ; to which was afterwards 
added, the apt inscription : Laudatur et alget m . 

m The collection contains the following pieces: 1. The 
True-born Englishman. 2. The Mock Mourners. 3. Refor- 
mation of Manners. 4. Character of Dr. Annesley. 5. The 
Spanish Descent. 6. Original Power of the People of Eng- 
land. 7. The Freeholders' Plea. 8. Reasons against a "War 
with France. 9. Argument on a Standing Army. 10. Dan- 
ger of the Protestant Religion. 11. Villany of Stock-jobbers. 

12. Six Distinguishing Characters of a Parliament Man. 

13. Poor Man's Plea. 14. Inquiry into Occasional Confor- 
mity • with a Preface to Mr. How. 15. Letter to Mr. How, 
by way of Reply to his Considerations on the Preface. 16. 
Two Great Questions considered. 17. Two Great Questions 
further considered. 18. Inquiry into Occasional Conformit)'. 
19. New Test of the Church of England's Loyalty. 20. 
Shortest Way with the Dissenters. 21. Brief Explanation of 
the Shortest Way. 22. Shortest Way to Peace and Union. 
In the year 1705, another and fuller edition of his works was 
published. In 1703, and before the publication of the Review, 
next referred to by Mr. Chalmers, De Foe wrote More Short 
Ways with the Dissenters, a pamphlet chiefly intended to 
vindicate the system of education then pursued among the 
dissenters, and which had been impugned for its alleged dis- 
loyalty by the Rev. Samuel Wesley. It was int his work that 
De Foe so generously alluded to his old master, Mr. Morton, 
in the passage we have referred to, supra, p. 3, note b . During 
his confinement he engaged with his usual warmth in the con- 
troversies of that time. The old dispute of Occasional Confor- 
mity still occupied him. He replied to Mr. Owen's pamphlet, 
Moderation a Virtue, &c, in The Sincerity of the Dissenters 
vindicated from the Scandal of Occasional Conformity ; 
with some Considerations on a late book, entituled, Moderation 
a Virtue. 1703. Several other controvertists took the field. 
In the course of the same year, anxious to put an end if pos- 
sible to the furious disputes between the church and dissenters, 
he published, A Challenge of Peace, addressed to the whole 
Nation, with an Inquiry into Ways and Means of bringing 
it to pass ; and afterwards replied to sir Humphrey Mack- 
worth's Peace at Home, in a pamphlet entituled, Peace with- 
out Union. He also reasserted the great principles advocated 
in his former work on the Original Power of the People, in an- 



In the solitariness of a gaol, the energy of De Foe 
projected the Review. This is a periodical paper 
in 4to, which was first published on the 19th of 
February, 1703-4; and which was intended to 
treat of news, foreign and domestic ; of politics, 
British and European ; of trade, particular and uni- 
versal. But our author foresaw, from the natural 
aversion of the age to any tedious affair, that how- 
ever profitable, the world would never read, if it 
were not diverting. With this design, both in- 
structive and amusing, he skilfully institutes a Scan- 
dal Club, which discusses questions in divinity, 
morals, war, trade, language, poetry, love, marriage, 
drunkenness, and gaming. Thus, it is easy to see, 
that the Review pointed the way to the Tatlers, 
Spectators, and Guardians, which may be allowed, 
however, to have treated those interesting topics 
with more delicacy of humour, more terseness of 
style, and greater depth of learning; yet has De 
Foe many passages, both of prose and poetry, which, 
for refinement of wit, neatness of expression, and 

other published in 1704, which he called Original Right: or 
the Reasonableness of Appeals to the People : being an An- 
swer to the First Chapter in Dr. Davenant's Essays, entituled, 
Peace at Home and War Abroad. In this same year, 1704, 
he had again to vindicate the dissenters, which he did in his 
pamphlet, The Dissenters' Answer to the High Church Chal- 
lenge ; and honoured the memory of his royal benefactor, 
William III., by bearing his testimony to his religious princi- 
ples, which he did in a pamphlet entitled, Royal Religion. 
He also maintained the claims of the Scotch dissenters, in a 
pamphlet called The Liberty of Episcopal Dissenters in Scot- 
land truly stated, 1703. And he had to wield his unwearied 
pen on behalf of the Irish dissenters, against a bill introduced 
avowedly to prevent the growth of popery, in which were con- 
tained some stringent provisions against the protestant dis- 
senters. De Foe ironically headed his pamphlet, The Pa- 
rallel : or Persecution of "Protestants the Shortest Way to 
prevent the Growth of Popery in Ireland. 1704.— Ed. 



efficacy of moral, would do honour to Steele or to 
Addison. Of all this was Johnson unconscious, 
when he speaks of the Tatlers and Spectators as the 
first English writers who had undertaken to reform 
either the savageness of neglect, or the imperti- 
nence of civility ; to show when to speak, or to be 
silent ; how to refuse, or how to comply n . 

11 Mr. Wilson observes of the Review, " That it did not out- 
live its day, may be attributed to the great proportion of tempo- 
rary matter with which it abounded. There are to be found 
in its pages, however, many instructive pieces of a moral and 
political nature, besides others devoted to amusement, and also 
some useful historical documents. A complete copy of the 
work is not known to be in existence. It deserves to be re- 
marked that De Foe was the sole writer of the nine quarto 
volumes that compose the work, a prodigious undertaking 
for one man, especially when we consider his other nume- 
rous engagements of a literary nature.'" Mr. Wilson then re- 
fers to an able eulogium by Dr. Drake. [Essays on the Tatler, 
vol. i. p. 23.] " Contemporary with Leslies' Remains, came 
forward, under a periodical dress, and of a kind far superior to 
anything which had hitherto appeared, the Review of Daniel 
De Foe, a man of undoubted genius, and who, deviating from 
the accustomed route, had chalked out a new path for him- 
self. The chief topics were as usual, news foreign and domes- 
tic, and politics ; to these, however, were added the various 
concerns of trade ; and to render the undertaking more palat- 
able and popular, he with much judgment instituted what he 
termed, perhaps with no great propriety, a ' Scandal Club,' 
and whose amusement it was to agitate questions in divinity, 
morals, war, language, poetry, love, marriage, &c. The intro- 
duction of this club, and the subjects of its discussion, it is obvious 
approximated the Review much nearer than any preceding work 
to our first classical model." The first number of the Review 
was published Feb. 19th, 1704, as A Weekly Review of the 
Affairs of France, purged from the Errors and Partiality of 
Newswriters and Petty Statesmen of all sides. It was at first a 
weekly publication, but afterwards came out twice a week, as 
it was changed to half a sheet from a whole one. The price 
was one penny. Mr. Wilson, in his valuable Life of De Foe, 
gives long extracts from the Review, a work, he observes, now 
very difficult to be met with. " A considerable portion of the 
first volume," observes that gentleman, " is devoted to foreign 



In the midst of these labours our author pub- 
lished, in July, 1704, The Storm; or, a Collection 
of the most remarkable Casualties, which happened 
in the tempest, on the 23rd of November, 1703°. 

politics, more particularly the power and grandeur of the 
French monarchy, for the reduction of which within reason- 
able limits the principal nations of Europe were then embroiled 
in an expensive war. In estimating the powers and resources 
of France, which had attained their summit under Louis XIV., 
he was anxious to guard his countrymen against the folly of 
despising such an enemy.'" Mr. Wilson then gives copious 
and interesting extracts from the Review, to which we must 
refer the reader to his able biography, [vol. ii. ch. 10.] The 
volume closed in one hundred and two numbers, in February, 
1705, and had the following title prefixed: A Review of the 
Affairs of France, and of all Europe, as influenced by that 
Nation : being Historical Observations on the Public Trans- 
actions of the World ; purged from the Errors and Partiality 
of Newswriters and Petty Statesmen of all sides. With an 
Entertaining Part in every sheet ; being Advice from the 
Scandal Club to the Curious Inquirers, in answer to Letters 
sent them for that purpose. 

0 The following is the account of this storm by a contempo- 
rary historian : — 

" About the middle of the night, a violent wind arose, which 
blew down the steeples of churches, tore off the tiles, and rolled 
up the leads of houses, tossing them through the air to great 
distances, rooted up the largest trees, or broke them off short, 
carried hayricks and stacks of corn to great heights, scattered 
them abroad, and beat down the chimneys in divers places, to 
the destruction of many people in the towns. The ships 
which lay in the mouth of the Thames and other parts, were 
driven foul of one another. The sailors, not knowing what to 
avoid, or which way to steer, abandoned themselves to despair, 
expecting every moment to be their last. Some ships having 
broke their cables, and lost their anchors, drove before the 
wind, without helm or steerage, and either dashed one another 
to pieces, or were swallowed up in the raging deep. Some 
were driven out to sea, without any rigging ; and others run 
upon the sands, rocks, and shores. The admiral was driven 
to sea without mast or anchor, from the Downs, and lost toge- 
ther with his ship ; and other ships which had been in his 
squadron were driven to the coast of Holland in five hours' 
time, with their masts broken, without any art or direction, 



In explaining the natural causes of winds De 
Foe shows more science, and in- delivering the opi- 
nions of the ancients that this island was more sub- 
ject to storms than other parts of the world, he dis- 
plays more literature than he has been generally 
supposed to possess. Our author is moreover enti- 
tled to yet higher praise. He seized that awful 
occasion to inculcate the fundamental truths of re- 
ligion ; the being of a God, the superintendency of 
Providence, the certainty of heaven and hell, the 
one to reward, the other to punish. 

While, as he tells himself, he lay friendless in 
the prison of Newgate, his family ruined, and him- 
self without hopes of deliverance, a message was 
brought him from a person of honour, whom till 
that time he had not the least knowledge of. This 
was no less a person than sir Robert Harley, the 
speaker of the house of commons. Harley ap- 
proved probably of the principles and conduct of 
De Foe, and doubtless foresaw, that, during a fac- 
tious age, such a genius could be converted to many 
uses. And he sent a verbal message* to the pri- 
soner, desiring to know what he could do for him. 
Our author readily wrote the story of the blind 
man in the gospel ; concluding — Lord, that I may 
receive my sight 

When the highfliers were driven from the sta- 
tion which enabled them to inflame rather than 

and others to other places. The watch-towers, with the 
watchmen, were overthrown together ; and the destruction 
which this storm occasioned was long remembered with awe 
and horror. In the space of one tempestuous night, a gal- 
lant English fleet was reduced to nothing: and it is incredi- 
ble what a dismal appearance there was at London and other 
towns. The mathematicians observed that the force of this 
tempest did not extend further south than the river Loire, in 
France, nor further north than the river Trent, in England 
[Cunningham, vol. i. p. 356.] 



conciliate, Harley became secretary of state, in 
April, 1704. He had now frequent opportunities 
of representing the unmerited sufferings of De Foe 
to the queen and to the treasurer ; yet our author 
continued four months longer in gaol. The queen, 
however, inquired into his circumstances ; and lord 
Godolphin sent, as he thankfully acknowledges, a 
considerable sum to his wife, and to him money to 
pay his fine and the expense of his discharge. Here 
is the foundation, says he, on which he built his first 
sense of duty to the queen, and the indelible bond 
of gratitude to his first benefactor. " Let any one 
say, then," he asks, " what I could have done, less 
or more than I have done for such a queen and 
such a benefactor ?" All this he manfully avowed 
to the world p, when queen Anne lay lifeless and 
cold as king William, his first patron ; and when 
Oxford, in the vicissitude of party, had been perse- 
cuted by faction, and overpowered, though not 
conquered, by violence. 

Such was the high interposition by which De Foe 
was relieved from Newgate, in August, 1704. In 
order to avoid the town-talk, he retired immediately 
to St. Edmund's Bury : but his retreat did not pre- 
vent persecution. Dyer, the newswriter, propa- 
gated that De Foe had fled from justice. Fox, the 
bookseller, published that he had deserted his 
security. Stephen, a state-messenger, everywhere 
said, that he had a warrant for seizing him. This 
I suppose was wit, during the witty age of Anne. 
In our duller days of law, such outrages would be 
referred to the judgment of a jury. De Foe in- 
formed the secretary of state where he was, and 
when he would appear ; but he was told not to 
fear, as he had not transgressed. Notwithstand- 

p By his Appeal, in 1715. 

D 2 



ing this vexation, our author's muse produced, on 
the 29th of August, 1704, A Hymn to Victory, 
when the successful skill of Marlborough furnished 
our poets with many occasions to publish Gazettes 
in Rhyme ^. 

De Foe opened the year 1704-5 with his Double 
Welcome to the duke of Marlborough ; disclaiming 
any expectation of place or pension. His encomi- 
astic strains, I fear, were not heard while he wrote 
like an honest Englishman, against the continuance 
of the war ; a war indeed of personal glory, of na- 
tional celebration, but of fruitless expense. De 
Foe's activity, or his needs, produced in March, 
1705, The Consolidator ; or, Memoirs of Sundry 
Transactions, from the World in the Moon. It was 
one of De Foe's felicities to catch the 1 living man- 
ners as they rose,' or one of his resources, to ' shoot 
folly as it flew.' In the lunar language he applies 
his satiric file to the prominences of every charac- 
ter : of the poets, from Dryden to Durfy ; of the 
wits, from Addison to Prior ; of the metaphysicians, 
from Malbranche to Hobbes; of the freethinkers, 
from Asgyl to the Tale of a Tub. Our author con- 
tinually complains of the ill usage of the world ; but 
with all his acuteness he did not advert, that he 
who attacks the world, will be by the world at- 
tacked. He makes the lunar politicians debate the 
policy of Charles XII. in pursuing the Saxons and 
Poles, while the Muscovites ravaged his own peo- 

3 Before the publication of this Hymn, he published a poem 
on himself, An Elegy on the Author of the True-born Eng- 
lishman. In the preface to this poem he bitterly complains of 
the slanders to which he was constantly subject. He might 
have reflected, however, that such a fate was unavoidable to a 
political writer in those factious times ; and that the more in- 
dependent the author, the more likely he was to be exposed to 
the double shafts of partisan malice. — Ed. 



pie. I doubt whether it were on this occasion that 
the Swedish ambassador was so ill-advised as to 
complain against De Foe, for merited ridicule of a 
futile warfare 1 . They had not then discovered, 
that the best defence against the shafts of satire is 
to let them fly. Our author's sentiment was 
expanded by Johnson, in those energetic lines, 
which thus conclude the character of the Swedish 
Charles : 

" Who left the name, at which the world grew pale, 
To point a moral, or adorn a tale." 

De Foe was so little disturbed by the appearance 
of The Moon Calf s , or accurate Reflections on the 
Consolidator, that he plunged into a controversy with 
sir Humphrey Mackworth about his bill for employ- 
ing the poor. This had been passed by the com- 
mons with great applause, but received by the peers 
with suitable caution. De Foe, considering this 
plausible project as an indigested chaos, represented 
it, through several reviews, as a plan which would 
ruin the industrious, and thereby augment the poor. 
Sir Humphrey endeavoured to support his work- 
houses, in every parish, with a parochial capital 
for carrying on parochial manufacture. This drew 
from De Foe his admirable treatise, which he enti- 
tled, Giving Alms no Charity. As an English free- 
holder he claimed it as a right to address his per- 
formance to the house of commons, having a par- 
ticular interest in the common good ; but consider- 
ing the persons before whom he appeared, he laid 
down his archness, and assumed his dignity. He 

r It was not on this occasion, but for one of the Reviews 
published in 1707, in which, he criticises the apparent supine- 
ness of Charles XII. — Ed. 

9 The title of a pamphlet published by a Dr. Browne. 



maintained, with wonderful knowledge of fact and 
power of argument, the following positions: 1st, 
That there is in England more labour than hands 
to perform it ; and consequently a want of people, 
not of employment ; 2ndly, No man in England, of 
sound limbs and senses, can be poor merely for 
want of work : 3rdly, All workhouses for employ- 
ing the poor, as now they are employed, serve to 
the ruin of families and the increase of the poor : 
4thly, It is a regulation of the poor that is wanted, 
not a setting them to work. Longer experience 
shows this to be a difficult subject, which increases 
in difficulty with the effluxion of time *. 

De Foe had scarcely dismissed sir Humphrey, 
when he introduced lord Haversham, a peer, who 
is famous in our story, as a maker and publisher of 
speeches. His lordship published his speech on the 
state of the nation, in 1705, which was cried about 
the town with unusual earnestness. Our author's 
prudence induced him to give no answer to the 
speech ; but a pamphlet, which was hawked about 
the streets and sold for a penny, our author's 
shrewdness considered as a challenge to every 
reader. He laughed and talked so much, through 
several Reviews, about this factious effusion, as to 
provoke a defence of topics, which his lordship 
ought neither to have printed nor spoken. De Foe 

4 The recent discussion of the Poor Law Amendment Act has 
thrown much additional light on this question. During this 
year, in addition to the works mentioned by Mr. Chalmers, 
De Foe advocated the rights of Dissenters in the colony of Ca- 
rolina, in America, where they had been hardly treated ; first 
deprived of a seat in the house of assembly, and then subjected 
to stringent laws. De Foe, while their affairs were being made 
matter of discussion in parliament, published Party Tyranny ; 
or an Occasional Bill in Miniature, as now practised in, Caro- 
lina. Humbly offered to the Consideration of both Houses of 
Parliament. — Ed. 



now published a Reply to Lord Haversham's Vindi- 
cation of his Speech. During such battles the 
town never fails to cheer the smaller combatant. 
Our author, with an allusion to the biography of 
both, says sarcastically : " But fate, that makes foot- 
balls of men, kicks some up stairs, and some down ; 
some are advanced without honour, others sup- 
pressed without infamy ; some are raised without 
merit, some are crushed without a crime ; and no 
man knows by the beginning of things, whether his 
course shall issue in a peerage or a pillory u ." 

u The motion of lord Haversham in the house of lord3, was to 
request the queen to invite over the presumptive heir to the 
crown, which would have produced the mischief of two rival 
courts. De Foe in this pamphlet gives us one of those passages 
so extremely interesting, being a sketch of his own life by him- 
self. " If I were to run through the black list of the encourage- 
ments I have met with in the world, while I have embarked my- 
self in the raging sea of the nation's troubles, this vindication 
would be ashamed to call them encouragements. How, in pur- 
suit of peace, I have brought myself into innumerable broils ; 
how many, exasperated by the sting of truth, have vowed my 
destruction ; and how many ways attempted it ; how I stand 
alone in the world, abandoned by those very people that own 
I have done them service ; how I am sold and betrayed by 
friends, abused and cheated by barbarous and unnatural rela- 
tions, sued for other men's debts, and stripped naked by public 
injustice, of what should have enabled me to pay my own ; 
how, with a numerous family, and with no helps but my own 
industry, I have forced my way with undiscouraged diligence, 
through a sea of debt and misfortune, and reduced them, ex- 
clusive of composition, from seventeen to less than five thou- 
sand pounds ; how, in gaols, in retreats, in all manner of extre- 
mities, I have supported myself without the assistance of 
friends or relations ; how I still live without this Vindicator's 
suggested methods, and am so far from making my fortune by 
this way of scribbling, that no man more desires a limitation 
and regulation of the press than myself; especially that 
speeches in parliament might not be printed without order of 
parliament, and poor authors betrayed to engage with men 
too powerful for them in more forcible arguments than those of 
reason. A man ought not to be afraid at any time to be mean 



In the midst of these disputes, either grave or 
ludicrous, De Foe published Advice to all Parties. 
He strenuously recommends that moderation and 
forbearance, which his opponents often remarked he 
was not so prone to practise as to preach. While he 
thus gave advice to all parties, he conveyed many 
salutary lessons to the dissenters, whom he was 
zealous to defend. In the Review, dated the 25th 
of December, 1705, he conjures them for God's 
sake, if not for their own sake, to be content. "Are 
there a few things more you could wish were done 
for you ? resolve these wishes into two conclusions : 
1st, Wait till Providence, if it shall be for your 
good, shall bring them to pass ; 2ndly, Compare the 
present with the past circumstances, and you can- 
not repine without the highest ingratitude both to 
God and man." 

De Foe found leisure, notwithstanding all those 
labours, perhaps a necessity, to publish in 1705, A 

to be honest. Pardon me, therefore, with some warmth, to say, 
that neither the Vindicator, nor all his informers, can, with their 
utmost inquiry,make it appear that I am, or ever was, mercenary. 
And as there is a justice due from all men, of what dignity or 
quality soever, the wrong done me in this can be vindicated by 
nothing but proving the fact, which I am a most humble pe- 
titioner that he would be pleased to do, or else give me leave to 
speak of it in such terms as so great an injury demands. No, 
my lord, pardon my freedom, I contemn and abhor everything 
and every man that can be taxed with that name, let his dig- 
nity be what it will. I was ever true to one principle ; I never 
betrayed my master or my friend ; I always espoused the cause 
of truth and liberty, was ever on one side, and that side was 
ever right. I have lived to be ruined for it ; and I lived to see 
it triumph over tyranny, party-rage, and persecution princi- 
ples, and am sorry to see any man abandon it. I thank God 
this world cannot bid a price sufficient to bribe me. It is the 
principle I ever lived by, and shall espouse while I live, that 
a man ought to die rather than betray his friend, his cause, 
or his master." — Ed. 



Second Volume of the Writings of the Author of the 
True-born Englishman. The same reasons which 
formerly induced him to collect some loose pieces, 
held good, says he, for proceeding to a second vo- 
lume, " that if I do not, somebody else will do it 
for me." He laments the scandalous liberty of the 
press ; whereby piratic printers deprive an author 
of the native product of his own thought, and the 
purity of his own style. It is said, though perhaps 
without authority, that the vigorous remonstrances 
of De Foe procured the Act x for the Encourage- 
ment of Learning, by vesting the copies of printed 
books in the authors or their assigns. The vanity 
of an administration, which affected to patronise 
the learned, concurring, with the mutual interest of 
bookmakers and booksellers, produced this salutary 
law, that our author alone had called for without 
success. De Foe's writings, thus collected into 
volumes, were sootf a third time printed, with the 
addition of a key. The satire being now pointed 
by the specification of characters, and obscurities 
being illuminated by the annexation of circum- 
stances, a numerous class of readers were induced, 
by their zeal of party, or desire of scandal, to look 
for gratification from our author's treatises. He is 
studious to complain, " that his writings had been 
most neglected of them, who at the same time have 
owned them useful." The second volume of 1705, 
containing eighteen treatises in prose and rhyme, 
begins with A New Discovery of an old Intrigue, 
and ends with Royal Religion v. 

x 9 Anne, c. 19. 

y The pieces in this volume are : 1. New Discovery of 
an Old Intrigue. 2. More Reformation. 3. Elegy on the 
Author of the True-born Englishman. 4. The Storm : an 
Essay. 5. A Hymn to the Pillory. 6. Hymn to Victory. 



The year 1705 was a year of disquiet to De Foe, 
not so much from the oppressions of state as from 
the persecutions of party. When his business, of 
whatever nature, led him to Exeter, and other west- 
ern towns, in August, September, and October, 
1705, a project was formed to send him as a soldier 
to the army, at a time when footmen were taken 
from the coaches as recruits ; but conscious of his 
being a freeholder of England, and a liveryman of 
London, he knew that such characters could not be 
violated, in this nation, with impunity. When some 
of the western justices, of more zeal of party than 
sense of duty, heard from his opponents of De Foe's 
journey, they determined to apprehend him as a va- 
gabond : but our author, who, among other qualities, 
had personal courage in a high degree, reflected, 
that to face danger is most effectually to prevent it. 
In his absence, real suits were commenced against 
him for fictitious debts : but De Foe advertised, that 
genuine claims he would fairly satisfy. If all these 
uncommon circumstances had not been published 
in the Review, we should not have seen this striking 
picture of savage manners. So much more free are 
we at present, that the editor of a newspaper, how- 
ever obnoxious to any party, may travel peaceably 
about his affairs over England, without fear of in- 
terruption. Were a justice of peace, from what- 
ever motive, to offer him any obstruction, such a 
magistrate would be overwhelmed by the public 

7. The Pacificator. 8. The Double Welcome to the Duke 
of Marlborough. 9. Dissenters' Answer to the High Church 
Challenge. 10. A Challenge of Peace to the whole Nation. 
11. Peace without Union. 12. More Short Ways. 13. 
New Test of the Church of England's Honesty. 14. Serious 
Inquiry. 15. The Dissenters Misrepresented. 16. The Pa- 
rallel. 17. Giving Alms no Charity. 18. Royal Religion. 



indignation, and punished by the higher guardians 
of our quiet and our laws z . 

De Foe began the year 1706 with A Hymn to 
Peace a ; occasioned ( by the two houses of parlia- 
ment joining in one address to the queen. On the 
4th of May he published An Essay at removing Na- 
tional Prejudices against an Union with Scotland. 
A few weeks after, he gave the world a second essay, 
to soften rancour and defeat perversity. But the 
time was now come when he was to perform what he 
had often promised : and his fruitfulness produced, 
in July, 1736, Jure Divino, a satire against Tyranny 

z In the year 1705, he also published a satirical poem, enti- 
tuled, The Dyet of Poland : printed at Dantzick. He sketches 
the leading politicians of the day under Polish names ; Wil- 
liam III. being represented as Sobieski. He also published A 
True Relation, of the Apparition of one Mrs. Veal, the next day 
after her death, to one Mrs. Bargrave, at Canterbury, the 8th of 
Sept. 1705, which Apparition recommends the perusal of Dre- 
lincourt's Book of Consolation against the Fear of Death. This 
work it is said was written by De Foe to make Drelincourt's sell, 
which was before a heavy book in the market, and of course pro- 
duced the desired effect. The future author of Robinson Crusoe 
may be distinctly seen in this work. Sir Walter Scott considered 
it one of his happiest efforts, and marked with the distinct im- 
press of De Foe. He observes " that De Foe has put in force 
within those few pages, peculiar specimens of his art of recom- 
mending the most improbable narrative by his specious and 
serious mode of telling it. Whoever will read it as told by 
De Foe himself, will agree that could the thing have happened 
in reality, so it would have been told. In short, the whole is 
so distinctly circumstantial, that were it not for the impossibi- 
lity, or extreme improbability at least, of such an occurrence, 
the evidence could not but support the story.'" In this year 
the second volume of the Review was completed. The early 
part of it refers to matters of trade, which he says he had in- 
tended to write more fully upon, but was diverted by domestic 
affairs ; and that his labours in behalf of peace had given great 
satisfaction. — Ed. 

a Published the 10th of January, 1705-6. In May, 1706, 
he published a poem on the duke of Marlborough's great vic- 
tory, entituled, On the Fight of Ramillies. 



and Passive Obedience, which had been delayed for 
fear, as he declares, of parliamentary censure. Of 
this poem, it cannot be said, as of Thomson's Li- 
berty, that it was written to prove what no man ever 
denied. This satire, says the preface, had never 
been published, though some of it has been a long 
time in being, had not the world seemed to be going 
mad a second time with the error of passive obedi- 
ence, and non-resistance. "And because some men 
require," says he, " more explicit answers, I declare 
my belief, that a monarchy, according to the present 
constitution, limited by parliament, and dependent 
upon law, is not only the best government in the 
world, but also the best for this nation in particu- 
lar, most suitable to the genius of the people, and 
the circumstances of the whole body." Dryden 
had given an example, a few years before, of argu- 
mentative poetry, in his Hind and Panther ; by 
which he endeavoured to defend the tenets of the 
church of Rome. Our author now reasoned in 
rhyme, through twelve books, in defence of every 
man's birthright by nature, when all sorts of liberty 
were run down and opposed. His purpose is doubt- 
less honester than Dryden's ; and his argument be- 
ing in support of the better cause, is perhaps supe- 
rior in strength : but in the Jure Divino we look 
in vain for 

The varying verse, the full-resounding line, 
The long majestic march, and energy divine b . 

b It was partly republished in 1821, by Mr. Hone ; who 
says in the preface, " De Foe was the ablest politician of his 
day, an energetic writer, and, better than all, an honest man ; 
but not much of a poet. The Jure Divino is defective in ar- 
gument and versification. It is likewise disfigured by injudi- 
cious repetitions ; a large portion is directed to the politics of 
the time, and it is otherwise unfit for republication entire ; but 
it abounds with energetic thoughts, forcible touches, and happy 
illustrations." — Ed. 



Our author was soon after engaged in more im- 
portant, because much more useful, business. Lord 
Godolphin, who knew how to discriminate charac- 
ters, determined to employ him on an errand, 
61 which," as he says, " was far from being unfit for a 
sovereign to direct, or an honest man to perform." 
By his lordship he was carried to the queen, who 
said to him, while he kissed her hand c , "that she had 
such satisfaction in his former services, that she had 
again appointed him for another affair, which was 
something nice, but the treasurer would tell him the 
rest." In three days he was sent to Scotland. His 
knowledge of commerce and revenue, his powers of 
insinuation, and above all, his readiness of pen, were 
deemed of no small utility in promoting the Union. 
He arrived at Edinburgh, in October, 1706. And 
we shall find him no inconsiderable actor in the 
performance of that greatest of all good works. He 
attended the committees of parliament, for whose 
use he made several of the calculations d on the sub- 
ject of trade and taxes. He complains e , however, 
that when afterwards some clamour was raised upon 
the inequality of the proportions, and the contrivers 
began to be blamed, and a little threatened a-la- 
mob, then it was D. F. f made it all, and he was to 
be stoned for it. He endeavoured to confute s all 
that was published by Webster and Hodges, and 
the other writers in Scotland against the Union : 
and he had his share of danger, since, as he says, 

c Appeal, p. 16. 

d See his History of the Union, p. 401. e Ibid. p. 379. 

f Daniel De Foe. He had two names through life ; and 
even when letters of administration were granted on his per- 
sonal estate, some time after his death, De Foe is added with 
an otherwise. We might thence infer that his father's name 
was Foe, if we had not now better evidence of the fact. 

i Ibid. 223. 



he was watched by the mob ; had his chamber win- 
dows insulted ; but by the prudence of his friends, 
and God's providence, he escaped h . In the midst 
of this great scene of business and tumult, he col- 
lected the documents which he afterwards pub- 
lished for the instruction of posterity, with regard 
to one of the most difficult, and, at the same time, 
the most fortunate transactions in our annals. 

During all those labours and risks, De Foe pub- 
lished, in December, 1706, Caledonia, a poem, in 
honour of the Scots nation *. This poetic essay, 

h History of the Union, p. 239. 

* Dr. Towers says, [Biograph. Brit] " In thi3 poem De 
Foe celebrates the courage of the Scots, and enumerates some 
of their military exploits. He endeavours to prove that the 
situation of Scotland rendered it well adapted for trade ; he 
speaks honourably of the abilities of the inhabitants ; he com- 
mends them for their learning, and their attention to religion ; 
and he hints at the advantages which they might derive from a 
union with England. But though De Foe's poem was a pane- 
gyric upon Scotland and Scotsmen, it did not wholly consist of 
commendation. He takes notice of the evils that the com- 
mon people suffered from their vassalage to their chiefs, and 
from their ignoranee of the blessings of liberty. He also cen- 
sures the Scots for not improving the natural advantages which 
their country possessed, and for neglecting their fishery ; and 
he gives them some excellent advice." In 1707, he published 
a tract called, A Voice from the South ; or an Address from 
some Protestant Dissenters in England to the Kirk of Scot- 
land ; the object being, as the title implies, to reconcile the 
presbyteriansto the Union, then on the eve of completion. 

He also in that year published a third volume of the Review, 
in which he dwelt very much upon matters connected with 
trade. One passage relative to the poor and their manage- 
ment, shows that he was far beyond his age on that point, as 
on most others. " Perhaps he may give some needful hints as 
to the state of our poor, in which his judgment may differ from 
that of others, but he must be plain : and while he is no enemy 
to charity-hospitals and workhouses, he thinks that methods to 
keep our poor out of them, far exceed, both in prudence and 
charity, all the settlements and endeavours in the world to 



which was intended to rescue Scotland from slander 
in opinion, Caledonia herself bade him dedicate to 
the duke of Queensbury. Besides other benefac- 

maintain them there. As to censure, he expects it. He writes 
to serve the world, not to please it. A few wise, calm, disinte- 
rested men, he always had the good hap to please and satisfy. 
By their judgment he desires still to be determined ; and if he 
has any pride, it is that he may be approved by siich. To the rest, 
he sedately says, their censure deserves no notice.'" In 1708 he 
published a fourth volume of the Review, in which he discusses 
the Union at great length. He also discusses the war, the policy 
of the Swedes, &c. ; the insurrection in Hungary, the revolution 
in Naples. The great principles of liberty are here,, as they 
always were by De Foe, maintained with energy and warmth ; 
but De Foe's mind was essentially practical, and therefore mo- 
derate. In the following fine passage he displays his principle 
of action. 4 In all my writings, as well as in this paper, it has 
been my endeavour, and ever shall be, I hope, to steer the mid- 
dle way between all our extremes, and while I am applauding 
the lustre of moderation, to practise it myself." He foresees, 
however, the fate of impartiality in the contests of faction. " If 
I might give a short hint to an impartial writer, it should be to 
tell him his fate. If he resolves to venture up the dangerous 
precipice of telling unbiassed truths, let him proclaim war with 
mankind, a la mode le pais de Pole, neither to give nor take 
quarter. If he tells the crimes of great men, they fall upon 
him with the iron hands of the law ; if he tells their virtues, 
when they have any, then the mob attacks him with slander. 
But if he regards truth, let him expect martyrdom on both sides, 
arid then he may go on fearless ; and this is the course I take 
myself." [vol. iv. p. 593.] 

In 1708, prince George of Denmark, consort of queen Anne, 
died ; and De Foe described his character in one of the 
Reviews. The recent circumstances in our own day, so ana- 
lagous to that of prince George and the queen, make De Foe's 
sketch one of great interest. " Death has made a very deep 
incision in the public tranquillity, in the person of the prince 
of Denmark. His royal highness was a great and good man, a 
friend to England and her interest, and true and hearty in the 

cause of liberty If I had a design to run through 

the character of the prince, I would observe upon the excel- 
lency of his temper, the calmnness of his passions, and the se- 
dateness of his judgment, which commanded respect from the 
whole nation in a manner peculiar to himself; so that every 



tions, the commissioner gave the author, whom he 
calls Daniel De Foe, esquire, an exclusive privilege 
to sell his encomiastic strains for seven years, within 
the country of his celebration. Amidst our author's 
busy occupations at Edinburgh, he was anxious to 
assure the world, that wherever the writer may be, 
the Reviews are written with his own hand; no 
person having, or ever had, any concern in writing 
them, but the known author, D. F. On the 16th 
of January, the act of Union was passed by the 
Scots parliament ; and De Foe returned to London, 
in February, 1706-7. While he thus acted im- 
portantly at Edinburgh, he formed connections with 
considerable persons, who were proud of his future 
correspondence, and profited from his political in- 
terests k . 

party, however jarring and opposite, paid him their homage, 
although nothing was more averse to his temper than the divi- 
sions which unhappily agitate the nation. Nor can it be doubted 
that his highness derived peculiar satisfaction from his not 
interfering in public affairs more than his exalted station 
obliged him, since he saw it was impossible to do so without 
committing himself to a party, which he was always 
averse to. He sincerely lamented our divisions, but never 
eucouraged or approved them. By his steady conduct, 
joined with a general courtesy to all sorts of people, he ac- 
quired the esteem and love of all parties, and that more than 
any person of his degree that ever went before him. I need 
not note how next to impossible it is in this divided nation, for 
the most consummate prudence to steer through the variety of 
interests and gain an universal good opinion, or indeed avoid 
universal censure. How the prince attained that great point 
I shall not attempt to examine ; but this I think ought to be 
recorded to posterity, that one man in Britain was found, of 
whom no man spoke evil, — and this was he!" [vol. iv. 
p. 409.]— Ed. 

k Lord Buchan was so obliging as to communicate the sub- 
joined extract of a letter to his lordship's grandfather, the earl 
of Buchan, from De Foe, dated the 29th of May, 1711 
" The person, with whom I endeavoured to plant the interest of 
your lordship's friend, has been strangely taken up, since I had 



How our author was rewarded by the ministers 
who derived a benefit from those services, and from 
that danger, as he does not tell, cannot now be known. 
Before his departure for Scotland, indeed, lord 
Godolphin, as he acknowledges 1 , obtained for him 
the continuance of an appointment, which her 
majesty, by the interposition of his first benefactor, 
had been pleased to make him, in consideration of a 
former service, in a foreign country, wherein he run 
as much risk as a grenadier on the counterscarp. 
As he was too prudent to disclose his secret services, 
they must at present remain undiscovered. Yet is 
there reason to think that he had a pension rather 
than an office, since his name is not in the red book 
of the queen ; and he solemnly avers, in his Appeal, 
that he had not interest enough with lord Oxford 
to procure him the arrears due to him in the time 
of the former ministry. This appointment, what- 
ever it were, he is studious to tell, he originally owed 
to Harley ; he, however, thankfully acknowledges, 
that lord Godolphin continued his favour to him 
after the unhappy breach that separated his first be- 
nefactor from the minister, who continued in power 
till August, 1710. 

The nation, which was filled with combustible 
matter, burst into flame the moment of that memo- 
rable separation, in 1707. In the midst of this con- 
that occasion ; viz., first, in suffering the operation of the sur- 
geons to heal the wound of the assassin ; and since, in accumu- 
lating honours from parliament, the queen, and the people. 
On Thursday evening her majesty created him earl Mortimer, 
earl of Oxford, and lord Harley of Wigmore : and we expect 
that to-morrow in council he will have the white staff given him 
by the queen, and be declared lord high treasurer. I wrote 
this yesterday ; and this day, May the 29th, he is made lord 
high treasurer of Great Britain, and carried the white staff be- 
fore the queen this morning to chapel. 

1 Appeal, p. 16. 




flagration our author was not inactive. He waited 
on Harley after he had been driven from power, who 
generously advised him to continue his services to 
the queen, which he supposed would have no relation 
to personal differences among statesmen. Godolphin 
received him with equal kindness, by saying, I 
always think a man honest till I find to the contrary. 
And if we may credit De Foe's asseverations, in the 
presence of those who could have convicted him of 
falsehood, he for three years held no correspondence 
with his principal benefactor, which the great man 
never took ill of him. 

As early as February 1706-7, De Foe avowed his 
purpose to publish the History of the Union, which 
he had ably assisted to accomplish. This design he 
executed in 1709, though he was engaged in other 
lucubrations, and gave the world a Review three 
times a week. His history seems to have been little 
noticed when it first appeared ; for, as the preface 
states, it had many difficulties in the way; many 
factions to encounter, and parties to please. Yet it 
was republished in 1712 ; and a third time in 1786, 
when a similar union had become the topic of public 
debate and private conversation" 1 . The subject of 
this work is the completion of a measure, which was 

m With the present Life of De Foe, by Mr. Chalmers, pre- 
fixed. In this year he closed the fifth volume of the Review. 
He goes at great length into the affairs of Scotland, especi- 
ally religious. For the freedom of his remarks in protesting 
against innovations upon the Scotch establishment, the Review- 
was prosecuted by the grand jury, but the prosecution was soon 
stopped. He also contended vigorously against licensing the 
press, and for the Copyright Pill, which subsequently passed. 
He attacked Dr. Sacheverel for his celebrated sermon on the 
5th of November, at St. Paul's. And he published a sixth 
volume of the Review. He there exposed stockjobbing ; — he 
refers to his frequently repeated anticipations of the eventual 
defeat of Charles XII. in relation to the battle of Pultowa; and 
he pays great attention, as before, to Scotch affairs. — Ed. 



carried into effect, notwithstanding obstructions ap- 
parently insurmountable, and tumults approaching 
to rebellion, and which has produced the ends de- 
signed, beyond expectation, whether we consider its 
influence on the government, or its operation on the 
governed. The minuteness with which he describes 
what he saw and heard on the turbulent stage, where 
he acted a conspicuous part, is extremely interesting 
to us, who wish to know what actually passed, how- 
ever this circumstantiality may have disgusted con- 
temporaneous readers. History is chiefly valuable 
as it transmits a faithful copy of the manners and 
sentiments of every age. This narrative of De Foe 
is a drama, in which he introduces the highest peers 
and the lowest peasants, speaking and acting, ac- 
cording as they were each actuated by their charac- 
teristic passions ; and while the man of taste is 
amused by his manner, the man of business may 
draw instruction from the documents, which are ap- 
pended to the end, and interspersed in every page. 
This publication had alone preserved his name, had 
his Crusoe pleased us less. 

De Foe published in 1709, what indeed required 
less effort of the intellect or the hand, The History 
of Addresses ; with no design, he says, and as we 
may believe, to disturb the public peace, but to com- 
pare the present tempers of men with the past, in 
order to discover who had altered for the better, and 
who for the worse. He gave a second volume of 
Addresses in 1711, with remarks serious and comi- 
cal". His purpose plainly was to abate, by ridicule, 

n Mr. Chalmers here seems to be mistaken. De Foe wrote 
neither of these works. The first Mr. Wilson tells us was 
written by Oldmixon. De Foe, indeed, in order to expose the 
folly of the high tory party, who had procured several addresses 
to the queen, and which were published by them as an indication, 
"that the sense of the nation is express for the doctrine of 

E 2 



the public fervour with regard to Sacheverel, who, 
by I know not what fatality, or folly, gave rise to 
eventful changes. De Foe evinces, by these timeful 
publications, that amidst all that enthusiasm and 
tumult, he preserved his senses, and adhered to his 

When, by such imprudence as the world had never 
seen before, Godolphin was in his turn expelled, in 
August, 1710, our author waited on the ex-minister ; 
who obligingly said to him, That he had the same 
good-will, but not the same power to assist him ; and 
Godolphin told him, what was of more real use — to 
receive the queen's commands from her confidential 
servants, when he saw things settled. It naturally 
occurred to De Foe, that it was his duty to go along 
with the ministers, while, as he says, they did not 
break in on the constitution. And who can blame 
a very subordinate officer, (if indeed he held an 
office,) who had a wife and six children to maintain 
with very precarious means ? He was thus, says he, 
cast back providentially on his first benefactor, who 
laid his case before her majesty, whereby he preserved 
his interest, without any engagement. On that me- 

passive obedience and nonresistance, and for her majesty's 
hereditary title to the throne of her ancestors," published 
a counter manifesto, A New Test of the Sense of the Nation : 
being a modest Comparison between the Addresses to the late 
King James and those to her present Majesty. In order to 
show how far the sense of the nation may be judged of by either 
of them. 1710. His object is of course to expose the folly of 
supposing that the addresses represented the real feeling of the 
country. In a strain of great irony, he says ; " The practice of 
addressing has cheated many already ; a jest that was put upon 
Richard Cromwell, and yet they deprived him three weeks 
afterwards. It was a second time put upon king James II. 
and they all flew in his face a year after. And I could give 
some instances of the little value that has been put upon it 
since, even such as one would think the very people themselves 
expect, — that for time to come addressing should pass for 
nothing with their princes." — Ed. 



morable change De Foe however somewhat changed 
his tone. The method I shall take, says he°, in 
talking of the public affairs, shall for the future be, 
though with the same design to support truth, yet 
with more caution of embroiling myself with a party 
who have no mercy, and who have no sense of 

De Foe now lived at Newington, in comfortable 
circumstances, publishing the Reviews, and sending 
out such tracts, as either gratified his prejudices, or 
supplied his needs. During that contentious period 
he naturally gave and received many wounds ; and 
he prudently entered into a truce with Mr. J. Dyer, 
who was engaged in similar occupations, that, how- 
ever they might clash in party, they may write with- 
out personal reflections, and thus differ still, and yet 
preserve the Christian and the gentleman p . But 

0 Review, vol. vii. No. 95. 

p The following letter to Mr. J. Dyer, in Shoe- lane, who was 
then employed by the leaders of the tories, in circulating news 
and insinuations through the country, will show the literary 
manners of those times, and convey some anecdotes, which are 
nowhere else preserved. The original letter is in the Museum, 
Harl. MSS. No. 7001. fol. 269. 

Mr. Dyer, 

I have your letter. I am rather glad to find you put it 
upon the trial who was aggressor, than justify a thing which I 
am sure you cannot approve ; and in this I assure you I am 
far from injuring you, and refer you to the time when long 
since you had wrote I was fled from justice : one Sammon being 
taken up for printing a libel, and I being then on a journey, 
nor the least charge against me for being concerned in it by any- 
body but your letter : — also many unkind personal reflections 
on me in your letter, when I was in Scotland, on the affair of 
the Union, and I assure you, when my paper had not in the 
least mentioned you, and those I refer to time and date for the 
proof of. 

1 mention this only in defence of my last letter, in which I 
said no more of it than to let you see I did not merit such 



between professed controvertists such a treaty could 
only be persevered in with Punic faith. 

treatment, and could nevertheless be content to render any 
service to you, though I thought myself hardly used. 

But to state the matter fairly between you and I [me], a 
writing for different interests, and so possibly coming under an 
unavoidable necessity of jarring in several cases : I am ready to 
make a fair truce of honour with you, viz., that if what either 
party are doing, or saying, that may clash with the party we 
are for, and urge us to speak, it shall be done without naming 
either 's name, and without personal reflections; and thus we 
may differ still, and yet preserve both the Christian and the 

This I think is an offer may satisfy you. I have not been 
desirous of giving just offence to you, neither would I to any 
man, however I may differ from him ; and I see no reason why 
I should affront a man's person, because I do not join with 
him in principle. I please myself with being the first proposer 
of so fair a treaty with you, because I believe, as you cannot 
deny its being very honourable, so it is not less so in coming 
first from me, who I believe could convince you of my having 
been the first and most ill-treated — for further proof of which I 
refer you to your letters, at the time I was threatened by the 
envoy of the king of Sweden. 

However, Mr. Dyer, this is a method which may end what is 
past, and prevent what is future ; and if refused, the future part 
I am sure cannot lie at my door. 

As to your letter, your proposal is so agreeable to me, that 
truly without it I could not have taken the thing at all ; for it 
would have been a trouble intolerable, both to you as well as 
me, to take your letter every post, first from you, and then send 
it to the post-house. 

Your method of sending to the black box, is just what I de- 
signed to propose, and Mr. Shaw will doubtless take it of 
you • if you think it needful for me to speak to him it shall be 
done — what I want to know is only the charge, and that you 
will order it constantly to be sent, upon hinting whereof I shall 
send you the names. Wishing you success in all things (your 
opinions of government excepted.) 

I am, 

Your humble servant, 

De Foe. 

Newington, June 17th, 



While thus occupied, De Foe was not forgotten 
by the city of Edinburgh, with the usual ingratitude 
of public bodies. On the first of February, 1710-11, 
that corporation, remembering his Caledonia, em- 
powered him to publish the Edinburgh Courant, in 
the room of Adam Booge q , though I suspect that 
he did not continue long to edify the Edinburgh 
citizens by his weekly lucubrations. He had then 
much to think of, and much to do at a distance : 
and he soon after gave some support to lord Ox- 
ford's South-sea project, by publishing An Essay on 
the South-sea Trade, with an inquiry into the rea- 
sons of the present complaint against the settlement 
of the South-sea company r . In the same year he 

i Arnott's Edinburgh. The second newspaper ever published 
in Scotland. During this period he published the seventh vo- 
lume of the Review, which is chiefly occupied by home affairs. 

r De Foe had, many years before Harley proposed it in par- 
liament, suggested an establishment of a South-sea trade, not 
only for commercial advantage, but as an effectual mode of 
crippling Spain and France. " I had the honour to lay a pro- 
posal before his late majesty king William, in the beginning 
of this war, for carrying the war, not into Old Spain, but into 
America: which proposal his majesty approved of, and fully pro- 
posed to put it in execution, had not death, to our unspeakable 
grief, prevented him. And yet I would have my readers dis- 
tinguish with me, that there is always a manifest difference 
between carrying on a war with America and settling a trade 
there ; and I shall not fail to speak distinctly to this difference 
in its turn.'" He then points out the circumstances of the 
trade, and distinctly warns his countrymen against those rash 
and extravagant speculations which they unfortunately persisted 
to indulge in, and which caused the ruin of so many persons. 
" I am far from designing to discourage this new undertaking, 
which I profess to believe a very happy one ; but to correct 
these wild notions, it seems needful to ascertain what we are 
to understand by a trade to the South Seas, and what not ; 
that in the first place our enemies may not make a wrong im- 
provement of it, our friends in Spain may not take umbrage 
at it, and our people at home may not grow big with wild ex- 
pectations, which might end in chagrin and disappointment. 
There is room enough on the western coast of America for us 



published An Essay at a plain Exposition of that 
difficult phrase — a good peace. He obviously in- 
tended to abate the national ardour for war, and to 
incite a national desire of quiet s . 

to establish a flourishing trade without encroaching upon the 
Spaniards. The industry and enterprise of the English in such 
a situation would open a wide door for the consumption of our 
manufactures, and bring a vast revenue of wealth to our own 
country." [Review, vol. viii. p. 165. 274.] They are the 
same views substantially as those he afterwards maintained in 
the pamphlet mentioned by Mr. Chalmers in the text. — Ed. 

s He also vindicated the memory of William III., who had 
been fiercely attacked for the Partition Treaty, by a pamphlet 
rather long and quaint — The Felonious Treaty : or, an Inquiry 
into the Reasons which moved his late Majesty King William, 
of Glorious Memory, to enter into a Treaty at ten several 
times, with the King of France, for the Partition of the Spanish 
Monarchy. With an Essay, proving that it was always the 
sense both of King William and of all the Confederates, and 
even of the Grand Alliance itself, that the Spanish Monarchy 
should never be united in the Person of the Emperor. 1711. 
In the year 1712, he vigorously attacked the persecuting bill 
introduced by lord Nottingham, by which dissenters were to be 
excluded from civil employments, and persons in office were 
forbidden to attend dissenting places of worship, under severe 
penalties. De Foe not only kept up a galling fire in his Reviews, 
but published a pamphlet on the subject, entituled, An Essay 
on the History of Parties and Persecution in Britain : begin- 
ning with a brief Account of the Test Act, and an Historical 
Inquiry into the Reasons, the Original, and the Consequences 
of the Occasional Conformity of the Dissenters : with some 
Remarks on the recent attempts already made and now mak- 
ing for an Occasional Bill : inquiring how far the same may 
be esteemed a Preservative of the Church, or an Injury to the 
Dissenters. He seems to have renewed the attack not only 
against that measure, but also against a similar bill introduced 
to authorise the use of the liturgy in Scotland, in a pamphlet 
which Mr. Wilson says bears undoubted evidence of being De 
Foe's, although never inserted in any list of his writings, enti- 
tuled, The Present State of Parties in Great Britain : particu- 
larly an Inquiry into the State of the Dissenters in England, 
and the Presbyterians in Scotland : their religious and politic 
Interest considered, as it respects their Circumstances before 
and since the late Acts against Occasional Conformity in Eng- 



The ministers, by the course of events, were en- 
gaged ere long in one of the hardest tasks which 
can be assigned to British statesmen — the re- 
establishment of tranquillity after a glorious war. 
The treaty at Utrecht furnishes a memorable ex- 
ample of this. The furious debates which ensued 
within the walls of parliament and without, are suf- 
ficiently remembered. About this time, says Boyer, 
in May, 1713, a paper, entitled, Mercator, or Com- 
merce Retrieved, was published on Tuesdays, 
Thursdays, and Saturdays *. This was first fathered 
on Arthur Moore, assisted by Dr. D'Avenant ; but 
the latter solemnly denied it : and it soon after ap- 
peared to be the production of Daniel De Foe, an 

gland, and for Toleration of Common Prayer in Scotland. In 
this work he goes into a lengthened history of the dissenters, 
and strongly recommends union amongst all bodies of them. 
He also in this year vigorously opposed the tax upon news- 
papers, which was enforced in 1712. The eighth volume of 
the Review closed in July, 1712. Trade and war are the 
main subjects discussed in it. — Ed. 

1 The first Mercator was published on the 26th of May, 1713; 
the last on the 20th of July, 1714 : and they were written by 
William Brown and his assistants, with great knowledge, great 
strength, and great sweetness, considering how much party then 
embittered every composition. The British Merchant, which 
opposed the Mercator, and which was compiled by Henry 
Martyn and his associates, has fewer facts, less argument, and 
more factiousness. It began on the 1st of August, 1713, and 
ended the 27th of July, 1714. I have spoken of both from my 
own convictions, without regarding the declamations which have 
continued to pervert the public opinion from that epoch to the 
present times. De Foe was struck at in the third number of 
the British Merchant, and plainly mentioned in the fourth. Mr. 
Daniel Foe may change his name from Review to Mercator, 
from Mercator to any other title, yet still his singular genius 
shall be distinguished by his inimitable way of writing. Thus 
personal sarcasm was introduced to supply deficience of facts, 
or weakness of reasoning. When Charles King republished 
The British Merchant in volumes, among various changes, he 
expunged, with other personalities, the name of De Foe. 



ambidextrous hireling, who for this dirty work re- 
ceived, a large weekly allowance from the treasury. 
That he wrote in the Mercator De Foe admits ; but 
he expressly denies " that he either was the author 
of it, had the property of it, the printing of it, the 
profit of it, or had the power to put anything into it, 
if he would." And, by his Appeal, he affirms before 
God and the world, " that he never had any pay- 
ment, or reward, for writing any part of it." Yet, 
that he was ready to defend those papers of the 
Mercator which were really his, if men would an- 
swer with arguments, rather than abuse; though 
not those things which he had never written, but 
for which he had received such usage. He adds, 
with the noble spirit of a true-born Englishman, 
" The press was open to me as well as to others : 
and how, or when I lost my English liberty of 
speaking my mind, I know not : neither how my 
speaking my opinions, without fee or reward, could 
authorise any one to call me villain, rascal, traitor, 
and such opprobrious names." 

Of the imputed connection with his first benefac- 
tor, Harley, during that memorable period, our au- 
thor speaks with equal firmness, at a moment when 
firmness was necessary. " 1 solemnly protest," says 
he, by his Appeal, "in the presence of Him who 
shall judge us all, that I have received no instruc- 
tions, orders, or directions for writing anything, or 
materials from lord Oxford, since lord Godolphin 
was treasurer, or that I have ever shown to lord 
Oxford anything I had written or printed." He 
challenges the world to prove the contrary ; and he 
affirms, that he always capitulated for liberty to 
speak according to his own judgment of things. 
As to consideration, pension, or reward, he declares 
most solemnly that he had none, except his old 
appointment made him long before by lord Godol- 



phin. What is extremely probable we may easily 
credit, without such strong asseverations. How- 
ever lord Oxford may have been gratified by the 
voluntary writings of De Foe, he had doubtless 
other persons who shared his confidence, and wrote 
his Examiners 11 . 

But De Foe published that which by no means 
promoted lord Oxford's views, and which, there- 
fore, gained little of his favour. Our author wrote 
against the peace of Utrecht, because he approved 
of it as little as he had done the treaty at Gertruy- 
denburgh, under very different influences a few 
years before. The peace he was for, as he himself 
says, was such as should neither have given the 
Spanish monarchy to the house of Bourbon, nor to 
the house of Austria ; but that this bone of conten- 
tion should have been so broken to pieces, as that it 
should not have been dangerous to Europe ; and 
that England and Holland should have so strength- 
ened themselves, by sharing its commerce, as should 
have made them no more afraid of France, or the 
emperor ; and that all that we should conquer in 
the Spanish West Indies should be our own. But 
it is equally true, he affirms, that when the peace 
was established, 66 1 thought our business was to 

u It is now sufficiently known, that Lord Oxford had relin- 
quished the Treaty of Commerce to its fate, before it was finally 
debated in parliament. See much curious matter on this sub- 
ject in Macpherson's State Papers, vol. ii. p. 421-23. It is 
there said, that he gave up the commercial treaty, in compli- 
ment to sir Thomas Hanmer, as he would by no means be an 
occasion of a breach among friends. The treasurer had other 
reasons : the treaty had been made by Bolingbroke, whom he 
did not love ; the lords Anglesea and Abingdon had made ex- 
travagant demands for their support ; and, like a wise man, he 
thought it idle to drive a nail that would not go. Yet lord 
Halifax boasted to the Hanoverian minister, that he alone had 
been the occasion of the treaty being rejected. [Same papers, 
p. 509-47.] 


make the best of it ; and rather to inquire what 
improvements could be made of it, than to be con- 
tinually exclaiming against those who procured it." 

He manfully avowed his opinion in 1715, when 
it was both disgraceful and dangerous, that the ninth 
article of the treaty of commerce x was calculated 
for the advantage of our trade ; " Let who will make 
it, that," says he, " is nothing to me. My reasons 
are, because it tied up the French to open the door 
to our manufactures, at a certain duty of importation 
there, and left the parliament of Britain at liberty 
to shut theirs out, by as high duties as they pleased 
here, there being no limitation upon us, as to duties 
on French goods, but that other nations should pay 
the same. While the French were thus bound, and 
the British free, I always thought we must be in a 
condition to trade to advantage, or it must be our 
own fault : this was my opinion, and is so still ; and 
I would engage to maintain it against any man, on a 
public stage, before a jury of fifty merchants, and 
venture my life upon the cause, if I were assured of 
fair play in the dispute. But, that it was my opi- 
nion, we might carry on a trade with France to our 
great advantage, and that we ought for that reason 
to trade with them, appears in the third, fourth, 
fifth, and sixth volumes of the Reviews, above nine 
years before The Mercator was thought of." Expe- 
rience has decided in favour of De Foe against his 
opponents, with regard both to the theory and the 
practice of commerce. 

In May, 1713, our author relinquished the Re- 
view, after nine years' continuance ? : in Newgate it 
began, and in Newgate it ended. Whether we 
consider the frequency of the publication, or the 

x He attacked it first in 1713, in An Essay on the Treaty of 
Commerce with France, with necessary Expositions, 
y It closed May, 1713, with the ninth volume. 



power of his disquisitions, the pertinacity of his op- 
ponents, or the address of his defences, amid other 
studies, without assistance, this must be allowed to 
be such a work, as few of our writers have equalled. 
Yet, of this great performance, said Gay, " The poor 
Review is quite exhausted, and grown so very con- 
temptible, that though he has provoked all his bro- 
thers of the quill, none will enter into a controversy 
with him. The fellow, who had excellent natural 
parts, but wanted a small foundation of learning, is 
a lively instance of those wits, who, as an ingenious 
author says, will endure but one skimming z ." Poor 
Gay had learned this cant in the Scriblerus Club, 
who thought themselves the wisest, the wittiest, and 
virtuousest men that ever were, or ever would be. 
But of all their works, which of them have been so 
often skimmed, or yielded such cream, as Robinson 
Crusoe, The Family Instructor, or Religious Court- 
ship ? Some of their writings may indeed be al- 
lowed to have uncommon merit ; yet, let them not 
arrogate exclusive excellence, or claim appropriate 

When De Foe relinquished the Review, he began 
to write A General History of Trade, which he pro- 
posed to publish in monthly numbers, The first 
number appeared on the first of August, 1713. His 
great design was to show the reader, " What the 
whole world is at this time employed in as to trade." 
But his more immediate end was, to rectify the mis- 
take we are fallen into as to commerce, and to in- 
form those who are willing to inquire into the truth. 
In the execution of this arduous undertaking, he 
avows his intention of speaking what reason dictates 
and fact justifies, however he may clash with the 

1 State of Wit, 1711, which is reprinted in the Supplement 
to Swift's Works. 



popular opinions of some people in trade. He could 
not however wholly abstract himself from the pass- 
ing scene. When his second number appeared, on 
the 15th of August, 1713, he gave a discourse on 
the harbour of Dunkirk ; wherein he insists, that 
the port ought to be destroyed, if it must remain 
with France a ; but, if it were added to England, or 
made a free port, it would be for the good of man- 
kind to have a safe harbour in such dangerous 
seas. This History of Trade, which exhibits the 
ingenuity, the strength, and the piety of De Foe, 
extended only to two numbers. The agitations of 
the times carried him to other literary pursuits ; 
and the factiousness of the times constrained him 
to attend to personal security. 

" While I spoke of things thus," says our author, 
" I bore infinite reproaches, as the defender of the 
peace, by pamphlets, which I had no hand in." He 
appears to have been silenced by noise, obloquy, and 
insult ; and finding himself in this manner treated, 
he declined writing at all, as he assures us ; and for 
great part of a year never set pen to paper, except 
in the Reviews. " After this," continues he, " I 
was a long time absent in the north of England," 
though we may easily infer, for a very different rea- 
son than that of the famous retirement of Swift, 
upon the final breach between Oxford and Boling- 

The place of his retreat is now known to have 
been Halifax, or the borders of Lancashire b . And 

a It was ordered to be destroyed. 

b The late History of Halifax relates, that Daniel De Foe, 
being forced to abscond, on account of his political writings, 
resided at Halifax, in the Back-lane, at the sign of the Rose 
and Crown, being known to Dr^Nettleton,the physician, and the 
Rev. Mr. Priestley, minister of a dissenting congregation there. 
Mr. Watson is mistaken when he supposes that De Foe wrote 



observing here, as he himself relates, the insolence 
of the Jacobite party, and how they insinuated the 
Pretender's rights into the common people, " I set 
pen to paper again, by writing A Seasonable Cau- 
tion ; and, to open the eyes of the poor ignorant 
country people, I gave away this all over the king- 
dom, as gain was not intended." With the same 
laudable purpose he wrote three other pamphlets ; 
the first, What if the Pretender should come ; the 
second, Reasons against the Succession of the 
House of Hanover ; the third, What if the Queen 
should die ? " Nothing could be more plain," says 
he, " than that the titles of these were amusements 0 , 
in order to put the books into the hands of those 
people who had been deluded by the Jacobites." 
These petty volumes were so much approved by the 
zealous friends of the protestant succession, that they 
were diligent to disperse them through the most 
distant counties. And De Foe protests, that had the 
elector of Hanover given him a thousand pounds, 
he could not have served him more effectually, than 
by writing these three treatises. 

The reader will learn, with surprise and indigna- 
tion, that for these writings De Foe was arrested, 
obliged to give eight hundred pounds bail, contrary 
to the Bill of Rights, and prosecuted by information, 
during Trinity term, 17 13. This groundless pro- 
secution was instituted by the absurd zeal of Wil- 

his Jure Divino here, which had been published previously in 
1706 ; and he is equally mistaken, when he says, that D<e Foe 
had made an improper use of the papers of Selkirk, whose story 
had been often published. 

e The pamphlets mentioned in the text were tilled with pal- 
pable banter. He recommends the Pretender by saying, That 
the prince would confer on every one the privilege of wearing 
wooden shoes, and at the same time ease the nobility and gentry 
of the hazard and expense of winter journies to parliament. 



Ham Benson, who afterwards became ridiculously 
famous for literary exploits, which justly raised him 
to the honours of the Dunciad. Our author attributes 
this prosecution to the malice of his enemies, who 
were numerous and powerful. No inconsiderable 
people were heard to say, that they knew the books 
were against the Pretender, but that De Foe had 
disobliged them in other things, and they resolved 
to take this advantage to punish him. This story 
is the more credible, as he had procured evidence 
to prove the fact, had the trial proceeded. He was 
prompted by consciousness of innocence to defend 
himself in the Review during the prosecution, which 
offended the judges, who, being somewhat infected 
with the violent spirit of the times, committed him 
to Newgate, in Easter term, 1713. He was, how- 
ever, soon released, on making a proper submission. 
But it was happy for De Foe that his first bene- 
factor was still in power, who procured him the 
queen's pardon, in November d , 1713. This act of 
liberal justice was produced by the party- writers e 
of those black and bitter days, as an additional 
proof of Lord Oxford's attachment to the abdicated 
family, while De Foe was said to be convicted of 
absolute jacobitism, contrary to the tenour of his 
life, and the purpose of his writings. He himself 
said sarcastically that they might as well have made 
him a Mahometan. On his tombstone it might 
have been engraved, that he was the only English- 
man who had been obliged to ask a royal pardon, 
for writing in favour of the Hanover succession. 
" By this time," says Boyer, in October, 1714, 

d The pardon is dated on the 13th of November, 1713, and 
is signed by Bolingbroke. See it set out verbatim. Appeal to 
Honour and Justice. 

e See Boyer's Political State, Oldmixon's History, &c. 



u the treasonable design to bring in the pretender 
was manifested to the world by the agent of one of 
the late managers, De Foe, in his History of the 
White Staff. The Detection of the Secret History 
of the White Staff, which was soon published, confi- 
dently tells, that it was written by De Foe ; as 
is to be seen by his abundance of words, his false 
thoughts, and his false English f ." We now know 
that there was at that epoch, no plot in favour of 
the pretender, except in the assertions of those who 
wished to promote their interest by exhibiting their 
zeal. And I have shown, that De Foe had done 
more to keep out the pretender, than the political 
tribe, who profited from his zeal, yet detracted from 
his fame s. 

f It is universally said by the sellers and buyers of old books, 
that John, duke of Argyle, was the real author of The Secret 
History of the White Staff. His grace, indeed, is not in the 
Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors. Whether the duke 
wrote this petty pamphlet may be doubted ; but there can be 
no doubt that De Foe was not the author : for he solemnly as- 
serts by his Appeal, in 1715, That he had written nothing since 
the queen's death. The internal evidence is stronger than this 
positive assertion. 

? In the year 1714, De Foe pleaded the cause of religious 
liberty in his most effective manner. He was roused to action 
by the bill then passing parliament, " to prevent the growth 
of schism,*" which was of course only another name for intole- 
rance. By this bill, all schoolmasters were required to be li- 
censed by the bishop, and have a certificate of conformity from 
the minister of his parish! De Foe of course could not be si- . r 
lent on such an occasion, and he published The Remedy worse 
than the Disease : or Reasons against passing the Bill for pre- £k~4 
venting the Growth of Schism : to which is added, a Brief Dis- t ^ 
course of Toleration and Persecution, showing their unavoid- 
able effects, good or bad, and proving that neither Diversity of 
Religion, nor Diversity in the same Religion, are dangerous, 
much less inconsistent with good Government. In a Letter to 
a noble Earl. Hcsc sunt enim fundamenta firmissima nostrce 
Libertatis, sui quemque juris et retinendi et dimittendi esse do- 
minum. Cic. in Orat. pro Balbo. 1714. 




" No sooner, was the queen dead," says he, " and 
the king, as right required, proclaimed, but the 
rage of men increased upon me to that degree, that 
their threats were such as I am unable to express. 
Though I have written nothing since the queen's 
death ; yet, a great many things are called by my 
name, and I bear the answerers' insults. I have 
not seen or spoken with the earl of Oxford," conti- 
nues he, "since the king's landing, but once; yet 
he bears the reproach of my writing for him, and I 
the rage of men for doing it." De Foe appears in- 
deed to have been, at that noisy period, stunned by 
factious clamour, and overborne, though not silenced, 
by unmerited obloquy. He probably lost his original 
appointment, when his first benefactor was finally 
expelled. Instead of meeting with reward for his 
zealous services in support of the protestant succes- 
sion, he was, on the accession of George I., discoun- 
tenanced by those who had derived a benefit from 
his active exertions. And of Addison, who was now 
exalted into office, and enjoyed literary patronage, 
our author had said in his Double Welcome to the 
Duke of Marlborough, with less poetry than truth : 

Maecenas has his modern fancy strung, 

And fix'd his pension first, or he had never sung. 

While thus insulted by enemies, and discounte- 
nanced by power, De Foe published his Appeal to 
Honour and Justice, in 1715 ; being a true Account 
of his Conduct in Public Affairs. As a motive for 
this intrepid measure, he affectingly says, that " by 
the hints of mortality and the infirmities of a life of 
sorrow and fatigue, I have reason to think, that I 
am very near to the great ocean of eternity, and the 
time may not be long ere 1 embark on the last voy- 
age : wherefore I think I should even accounts with 



this world before I go, that no slanders may lie 
against my heirs, to disturb them in the peaceable 
possession of their father's inheritance, his charac- 
ter." It is a circumstance perhaps unexampled in 
the life of any other writer, that before he could 
finish his Appeal, he was struck with apoplexy. 
After languishing more than six weeks, neither able 
to go on, nor likely to recover, his friends thought 
fit to delay the publication no longer. " It is the 
opinion of most who know him," says Baker, the 
publisher, " that the treatment which he here com- 
plains of, and others of which he would have spoken, 
have been the cause of this disaster." When the 
ardent mind of De Foe reflected on what he had 
done, and what he had suffered, how he had been 
rewarded and persecuted, his heart melted in de- 
spair. His spirit, like a candle struggling in the 
socket, blazed and sunk, and blazed and sunk, till 
it disappeared in darkness. 

While his strength remained, he expostulated 
with his adversaries in the following terms of great 
manliness, and instructive intelligence : — " It has 
been the disaster of all parties in this nation, to be 
very hot in their turn, and as often as they have been 
so, I have differed with them all, and shall do so. I 
will repeat some of the occasions on the Whig side, 
because from that quarter the accusation of my turn- 
ing about comes. 

"The first time I had the misfortune to differ 
with my friends, was about the year 1683, when 
the Turks were besieging Vienna, and the whigs 
in England, generally speaking, were for the Turks' 
taking it ; which I, having read the history of the 
cruelty and perfidious dealings of the Turks in their 
wars, and how they had rooted out the name of the 
Christian religion in above three score and ten 
kingdoms, could by no means agree with: and 

f 2 



though then but a young man, and a younger au- 
thor, I opposed it, and wrote against it, which was 
taken very unkindly indeed. 

v " The next time I differed with my friends, was 
when king James was wheedling the dissenters to 
take off the penal laws and test, which I could by 
no means come into. I told the dissenters, I had 
rather the Church of England should pull our clothes 
off by fines and forfeitures, than the papists should 
fall both upon the church and the dissenters, and 
pull our skins off by fire and fagot. 

" The next difference I had with good men, was 

J about the scandalous practice of occasional con- 
formity, in which I had the misfortune to make 
many honest men angry, rather because I had the 
better of the argument, than because they disliked 
what I said. 

"And now I have lived to see the dissenters 
themselves very quiet ; if not very well pleased with 
an act of parliament to prevent it. Their friends 
indeed laid it on ; they would be friends indeed, if 
they would talk of taking it off again. 

" Again, I had a breach with honest men for 
their maltreating king William, of which I say 
nothing; because I think they are now opening 
their eyes, and making what amends they can to 
his memory. 

" The fifth difference I had with them was about 
the treaty of partition, in which many honest men 
were mistaken, and in which I told them plainly 
then, that they would at last end the war upon 
worse terms ; and so it is my opinion they would 
have done, though the treaty of Gertruydenburgh 
had taken place. 

" The sixth time I differed with them, was when 
the old whigs fell out with the modern whigs ; and 
when the duke of Marlborough and my lord Godol- 



phin were used by the Observator in a manner 
worse, I confess, for the time it lasted, than ever 
they were used since ; nay, though it were by Abel 
and the Examiner. But the success failed. In this 
dispute my lord Godolphin did me the honour to 
tell me I had served him and his grace also, both 
faithfully and successfully. But his lordship is 
dead, and I have now no testimony of it, but what 
is to be found in the Observator, where I am plenti- 
fully abused for being an enemy to my country, by 
acting in the interest of my lord Godolphin and the 
duke of Marlborough. What weathercock can turn 
with such tempers as these ? 

" I am now in the seventh breach with them, and 
my crime now is, that I will not believe and say the 
same things of the queen and the late treasurer, 
which I could not believe before of my lord Godol- 
phin and the duke of Marlborough, and which in 
truth I cannot believe, and therefore could not say 
it of either of them ; and which, if I had believed, 
yet I ought not to have been the man that should 
have said it, for the reasons aforesaid. 

" In such turns of tempers and times a man must 
have been tenfold a Vicar of Bray, or it is impossi- 
ble but he must one time or other be out with 
everybody. This is my present condition ; and for 
this I am reviled with having abandoned my princi- 
ples, turned jacobite, and what not : God judge be- 
tween me and these men ! Would they come to any 
particulars with me, what real guilt I may have, I 
would freely acknowledge ; and if they would pro- 
duce any evidence of the bribes, the pensions, and 
the rewards I have taken, I would declare honestly 
whether they were true or no. If they would give 
a list of the books which they charge me with, and 
the reasons why they lay them at my door, I would 
acknowledge any mistake, own what I have done, 



and let them know what I have not done. But 
these men neither show mercy, nor leave room for 
repentance ; in which they act not only unlike their 
Maker, but contrary to his express commands h ." 

With the same independence of spirit, but with 
greater modesty of manner, our author openly dis- 
approved of the intemperance which was adopted 
by government in 1714, contrary to the original 
purpose of George I. " It is and ever was my opi- 
nion," says De Foe in his Appeal, " that modera- 
tion is the only virtue by which the tranquillity of 
this nation can be preserved ; and even the king 
himself, (I believe his majesty will allow me that 
freedom,) can only be happy in the enjoyment of 
the crown, by a moderate administration : if he 
should be obliged, contrary to his known disposition, 
to join with intemperate councils, if it does not 
lessen his security, I am persuaded it will lessen 
his satisfaction. To attain at the happy calm, which 
is the consideration that should move us all, (and 
he would merit to be called the nation's physician, 
who could prescribe the specific for it,) I think I 
may be allowed to say, a conquest of parties will 

h The most solemn asseverations, and the most unanswerable 
arguments of our author, were not, after all, believed. When 
Charles King republished The British Merchant, in 1721, he 
without a scruple attributed The Mercator to a hireling writer 
of a weekly paper called the Review. And Anderson, at a 
still later period, goes further in his Chronology of Commerce, 
and names De Foe, as the hireling writer of the Mercator, and 
other papers in favour of the French treaty of trade. We can 
now judge with the impartiality of arbitrators: on the one 
hand, there are the living challenge, and the death-bed decla- 
ration of De Foe ; on the other, the mere surmise and unau- 
thorised assertion of King, Anderson, and others, who detract 
from their own veracity by their own factiousness, or foolery. 
It is surely time to free ourselves from prejudices of every kind, 
and to disregard the sound of names as much as the falsehoods 
of party. 



never do it, a balance of parties may." Such was 
the political testament of De Foe ; which it had 
been happy for Britain, had it been as faithfully ex- 
ecuted as it was wisely made ! 

The year 1715 may be regarded as the period of 
our author's political life. Faction henceforth 
found other advocates, and parties procured other 
writers to propagate their falsehoods. Yet when a 
cry was raised against foreigners, on the accession of 
George I. The True-born Englishman was revived, 
rather by Roberts, the bookseller, than by De Foe 
the author K But the persecutions of party did not 
cease when De Foe ceased to be a party-writer. 
He was insulted by Boyer, in April, 1716, as the 
author of The Triennial Act impartially stated : 
" but whatever was offered," says Boyer, " against 
the septennial bill, was fully confuted by the inge- 
nious and judicious Joseph Addison, esquire. Whe- 
ther De Foe wrote in defence of the people's rights, 
or in support of the law's authority, he is to be cen- 
sured : whether Addison defended the septennial 
bill, or the peerage bill, he is to be praised. With 
the same misconception of the fact, and malignity 
of spirit, Toland reviled k De Foe for writing an 
answer to The State of Anatomy, in 1717. The 
time however will at last come, when the world will 
judge of men from their actions rather than pre- 

The death of Anne, and the accession of George 
I. seem to have convinced De Foe of the vanity of y 
party-writing. And from this eventful epoch, he 
appears to have studied how to meliorate rather 
than to harden the heart ; how to regulate, more / 
than to vitiate, the practice of life. 

1 It was entered at Stationers'-hall, for J. Roberts, the 18th 
of February, 1715-16. * 2nd Mem. p. 27, &c. 



Early in 1715 he published The Family Instructor, 
in three parts : 1st, relating to fathers and children ; 
2nd, to masters and servants ; 3rd, to husbands and 
wives. He carefully concealed his authorship, lest 
the good effects of his labour should be obstructed 
by the great imperfections of the writer. The world 
was then too busy to look immediately into the 
work. The bookseller soon procured a recommend- 
atory letter from the Rev. Samuel Wright, a well- 
known preacher in the Blackfriars. It was praised 
from the pulpit and the press : and the utility of the 
end, with the attractiveness of the execution, gave 
it, at length, a general reception 1 . The author's 
first design was to write a dramatic poem ; but the 
subject was too solemn, and the text too copious, to 
admit of restraint, or to allow excursions. His pur- 
pose was to divert and instruct, at the same mo- 
ment ; and by giving it a dramatic form, it has been 
called by some a religious play. De Foe at last says 
with his usual archness : As to its being called a 
play, be it called so, if they please : it must be con- 
fessed, some parts of it are too much acted in many 
families among us. The author wishes, that either 
all our plays were as useful for the improvement and 
entertainment of the wprld, or that they were less 
encouraged. There is, I think, some mysticism in 
the preface, which, it were to be desired, a judicious 
hand would expunge, when The Family Instructor 
shall be again reprinted ; for, reprinted it will be, 
while our language endures ; at least, while wise 

1 The family of George I. had been instructed by the copy of 
this book, which is in the Museum. It would seem from the 
title-page and Mr. Wright's letter being printed on a different 
paper from the work itself, that both were added after the first 
publication. The Family Instructor and Mr. Wright's letter 
were entered at Stationers'-hall, for Emanuel Mathews, on the 
31st of March, 1715 



men shall continue to consider the influences of re- 
ligion and the practice of morals as of the greatest 
use to society m . 

De Foe afterwards added a second volume, in two 
parts ; 1st, relating to Family Breaches ; 2ndly, to 
the great Mistake of mixing the Passions in the ma- 
naging of Children. He considered it, indeed, as a 
bold adventure to write a second volume of any- 
thing; there being a general opinion among mo- 
dern, readers, that second parts never come up to the 
spirit of the first. He quotes Mr. Milton, for differ- 
ing from the world upon the question, and for af- 
firming with regard to his own great performances, 
That the people had a general sense of the loss 
of Paradise, but not an equal gust for regaining it. 
Of De Foe's second volume, it will be easily allowed, 
that it is as instructive and pleasing as the first. 
His Religious Courtship, which he published in 
1722, may properly be considered as a third vo- 
lume : for the design is equally moral, the manner 
is equally attractive, and it may in the same man- 
ner be called a religious play n . 

But the time at length came, when De Foe was 
to deliver to the world the most popular of all his 
performances. In April, 1719, he published the 
well-known Life and surprising Adventures of Ro- 
binson Crusoe 0 . The reception was immediate 

m When Mr. Chalmers wrote, it had been reprinted at least 
seventeen times. It is a work which has had great circulation. 

" Mr. Wilson considers that De Foe, in the year 1717, pub- 
lished the Memoirs of the Church of Scotland, in Four Periods : 
with an Appendix of some Transactions since the Union. 
[Life of De Foe, vol. iii. p. 418.] And also the Life of Dr. 
Daniel Williams, the eminent presbyterian divine, founder of 
the well-known dissenters' library, in Redcross-street. [lb. 
p. 423.] 

0 The title was, The Life and strange surprising Adventures 
of Robinson Crusoe, of York, Mariner, who lived eight-and- 



and universal ; and Tayler, who purchased the ma- 
nuscript after every bookseller had refused it, is 
said to have gained a thousand pounds. If it be 
inquired by what charm it is that these surprising 
Adventures should have instantly pleased, and al- 
ways pleased, it will be found, that few books have 
ever so naturally mingled amusement with instruc- 
tion. The attention is fixed, either by the simpli- 
city of the narration, or by the variety of the inci- 
dents ; the heart is amended by a vindication of the 
ways of God to man : and the understanding is in- 
formed by various examples, how much utility 
ought to be preferred to ornament : the young are 
instructed, while the old are amused. 

Robinson Crusoe had scarcely drawn his canoe 
ashore, when he was attacked by his old enemies, 
the savages. He was assailed first by The Life and 
strange Adventures of Mr. D De F — , of Lon- 
don, Hosier, who has lived above Fifty Years by 
himself in the Kingdoms of North and South Bri- 
tain. In a dull dialogue between De Foe, Crusoe, 
and his man Friday, our author's life is lampooned, 
and his misfortunes ridiculed. But he who had 
been struck by apoplexy, and who was now dis- 
countenanced by power, was no fit object of an En- 
glishman's satire. Our author declares, when he 
was himself a writer of satiric poetry, " that he ne- 
ver reproached any man for his private infirmities, 
for having his house burnt, his ships cast away, or 
his family ruined ; nor had he ever lampooned any 
one, because he could not pay his debts, or differed 
in judgment from him." Pope has been jnstly cen- 

twenty Years all alone in an uninhabited Island on the Coast 
of America, near the mouth of the great River Oroonoque, 
having been cast on shore by Shipwreck, wherein all the men 
perished but himself. With an Account how he was at last 
strangely delivered by Pirates. Written by Himself. 



sured for pursuing a vein of satire extremely dissi- 
milar. And Pope placed De Foe with Tutchin, in 
The Dunciad, when our author's infirmities were 
greater and his comfort less. He was again as- 
saulted in 1719, by An Epistle to D De F — , 

the reputed Author of Robinson Crusoe. "Mr. 
Foe," says the letter-writer, " I have perused your 
pleasant story of Robinson Crusoe ; and if the faults 
of it had extended no further than the frequent so- 
lecisms and incorrectness of style, improbabilities, 
and sometimes impossibilities, I had not given you 
the trouble of this epistle.'' "Yet," said Johnson 
to Piozzi, " was there ever anything written by 
mere man that was wished longer by its readers, 
except Don Quixote, Robinson Crusoe, and the 
Pilgrim's Progress p ?" This epistolary critic, who 
renewed his angry attack when the second volume 
appeared, has all the dulness, without the acumen, 

P " No fiction in any language," said Dr. Blair in his elegant 
Lectures on Rhetoric, " was ever better supported than the 
Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. While it is carried on with 
that appearance of truth and simplicity, which takes a strong 
hold of the imagination of all readers, it suggests at the same 
time very useful instruction, by showing how much the native 
power of man may be exerted for surmounting the difficulties 
of any external situation." " Robinson Crusoe," said Marmon- 
tel, " is the first book I ever read with exquisite pleasure ; and 
I believe every boy in Europe might say the same thing." In 
his Emile, Rousseau says, " Since we must have books, this is 
one, which, in my opinion, is a most excellent treatise on na- 
tural education. This is the first my Emilias shall read ; his 
whole library shall long consist of this work only, which shall 
preserve an eminent rank to the very last. It shall be the 
text to which all our conversations on natural science are to 
serve only as a comment. It shall be a guide during our pro- 
gress to maturity of judgment ; and so long as our taste is not 
adulterated, the perusal of this book will afford us pleasure. 
And what surprising book is this ? Is it Aristotle ? Is it Pliny ? 
Is it Buffon ? No, it is Robinson Crusoe." In this judgment 
Dr. Beattie concurred. — Ed. 



of Dennis, and all his malignity, without his purpose 
of reformation. The Life of Crusoe has passed 
through innumerable editions, and has been trans- 
lated into foreign languages, while the criticism 
sunk into oblivion. 

De Foe set the critics at defiance while he had 
the people on his side. As a commercial legislator 
he knew, that it is rapid sale that is the great in- 
centive: and, in August, 1719, he published a se- 
cond volume of Surprising Adventures, with similar 
success % In hope of profit and of praise, he pro- 
duced in August, 1720, Serious Reflections during 
the Life of Robinson Crusoe, with his Vision of the 
Angelic World. He acknowledges that the present 
work is not merely the product of the two first vo- 
lumes, but the two first may rather be called the 
product of this : the fable is always made for the 
moral, not the moral for the fable. He, however, 
did not advert, that instruction must be insinu- 
ated rather than enforced. That this third volume 
has more morality than fable, is the cause I fear, 
that it has never been read with the same avidity as 
the former two, or spoken of with the same appro- 
bation. We all prefer amusement to instruction ; 
and he who would inculcate useful truths, must 
study to amuse, or he will offer his lessons to an 
auditory, neither numerous, nor attentive. 

The tongue of detraction is seldom at rest. It has 
often been repeated that De Foe had surreptitiously 
appropriated the papers of Alexander Selkirk, a 
Scotch mariner, who having lived solitary on the 

q The title was, The further Adventures of Robinson Cru- 
soe ; being the second and last Part of his Life, and the strange 
surprising Accounts of his Travels round three Parts of the 
Globe. Written by Himself. To which is added, a Map of 
the World, in which is delineated the Voyages of Robinson 
Crusoe. 1719. 



isle of Juan Fernandez, four years and four months, 
was relieved on the 2nd of February, 1708-9, 
by captain Woodes Rogers, in his cruising voyage 
round the world. But let no one draw inferences 
till the fact be first ascertained. The adventures 
of Selkirk had been thrown into the air, in 1712, 
for literary hawks to devour r ; and Be Foe may 

r The whole story of Selkirk is told in Woodes Rogers' voy- 
age, which he published in 1712, from p. 125 to 131, inclusive : 
whence it appears that Selkirk had preserved no pen, ink, or 
paper, and had lost his language ; so that he had no journal or 
papers, which he could communicate, or by others could be 
stolen. There is an account of Selkirk in The Englishman, 
No. 26, written by Steele. The particular manner how Alex- 
ander Selkirk lived four years and four months, in the isle of 
Juan Fernandez, is related in captain Cooks's voyage into the 
South Sea, which was published in 1712. And Selkirk's tale 
was told in the Memoirs of Literature, vol. v. p. 118 : so that 
the world was fully possessed of Selkirk's story, in 1712, seven 
years prior to the publication of Crusoe's Adventures. Nor 
were his adventures singular ; for, Ringrose mentions in his 
account of captain Sharp's voyage, a person who had escaped 
singly from a ship that had been wrecked on Juan Fernandez, 
and who lived alone five years before he was relieved : and 
Dampier mentions a Mosquito indian, who having been acci- 
dentally left on this island, subsisted three years solitarily, till 
that voyager carried him off. From which of these De Foe 
borrowed his great incident, it is not easy to discover. In the 
preface to The Serious Reflections, he indeed says, " That there 
is a man alive and well known, the actions of whose life are 
the just subject of these volumes, and to whom the most part 
of the story directly alludes." This turns the scale in favour of 
Selkirk. Nor, was the name of Crusoe wholly fictitious ; for, 
among De Foe's contemporaries, John Dunton speaks of Ti- 
mothy Crusoe, who was called the Golden Preacher, and was 
so great a textuary, that he could pray two hours together in 
scripture language ; but, he was not arrived at perfection, as 
appeared by his sloth in tying the conjugal knot ; yet his re- 
pentance was sincere and public, and I fear not but he is now a 
glorified saint in heaven. [Life and Errors, p. 461.] The 
whole story of Selkirk, as told by Rogers, is reprinted in the 
present edition. Rob. Crusoe, vol. i. p. xxiii. 



have catched a common prey, which he converted 
to the uses of his intellect, and distributed for the 
purposes of his interest* 5 . Thus he may have fairly 
acquired the fundamental incident of Crusoe's life ; 
but, he did not borrow the various events, the use- 
ful moralities, or the engaging style. Few men could 
write such a poem ; and few Selkirks could imitate 
so pathetic an original. It was the happiness of De 
Foe, that as many writers have succeeded in relat- 
ing enterprises by land, he excelled in narrating 
adventures by sea, with such felicities of language, 
such attractive varieties, such insinuative instruc- 
tion, as have seldom been equalled, but never sur 
passed *. 

While De Foe in this manner busied himself in 
writing adventures which have charmed every 
reader, a rhyming fit returned on him. He pub- 
lished in 1 720, The complete Art of Painting, which 
he did into English from the French of Du Fresnoy. 
Dryden had given, in 1695, a translation of Du 
Fresnoy's poem, which has been esteemed for its 
knowledge of the sister arts. What could tempt 
De Foe to this undertaking it is not easy to disco- 
ver, unless we may suppose that he hoped to gain a 
few guineas, without much labour of the head or 
hand. Dryden has been justly praised for relin- 
quishing vicious habits of composition, and adopt- 
ing better models for his muse. De Foe, after he 

s Dr. Towers agrees with Mr. Chalmers. [Biog. Brit.] " The 
fact appears to have been that the charge against De Foe of 
having taken his work from Selkirk's mauuscripts, or from 
communication of any kind made by Selkirk, is wholly ground- 
less, and of which he himself never heard ; for we do not find 
that the least hint of any such accusation against him was ever 
published during his lifetime." And Mr. D'Israeli [Curios, of 
Literat. vol. iii. p. 285.] considers the point settled in favour of 
De Foe, by captain Burney's Voyages and Discoveries. 

1 It has been frequently imitated, but never with success. 



had seen the correctness, and heard the music of 
Pope, remained unambitious of accurate rhymes, 
and regardless of sweeter numbers. His politics 
and his poetry, for which he was long famous among 
biographers, would not have preserved his name 
beyond the fleeting day ; yet I suspect that, in imi- 
tation of Milton, he would have preferred his Jure 
Divino to his Robinson Crusoe. 

De Foe lived not then, however, in pecuniary 
distress ; for his genius and his industry were to him 
the mines of Potosi : and in 1722, he obtained from 
the corporation of Colchester, though my inquiries 
have not discovered by what interposition, a ninety- 
nine years' lease of Kingswood-heath, at a yearly rent 
of a hundred and twenty pounds, with a fine of five 
hundred pounds". This transaction seems to evince 
a degree of wealth much above want, though the 
assignment of his lease not long after to Walter 
Bernard equally proves, that he could not easily hold 
what he had thus obtained. Kingswood-heath is 
now worth 300Z. a year, and is advertised for sale 
by Bennet, the present possessor. 

Whatever may have been his opulence, our author 
did not waste his subsequent life in unprofitable 
idleness. No one can be idly employed who endea- 
vours to make his fellow subjects better citizens and 
wiser men. This will sufficiently appear if we con- 
sider his future labours, under the distinct heads of 
voyages ; fictitious biography ; moralities, either 
grave or ludicrous ; domestic travels; and tracts on 

The success of Crusoe induced De Foe to publish, 
in 1 720, The Life and Piracies of Captain Singleton, 
though not with similar success ; the plan is narrower, 
and the performance is less amusing. In 1725, he 

u Morant's Colchester, p. 134. 



gave A New Voyage Round the World, by a Course 
never sailed before. Most voyagers have had this 
misfortune, that whatever success they had in the 
adventure, they had very little in the narration; they 
are indeed full of the incidents of sailing, but they 
have nothing of story for the use of readers who 
never intend to brave the dangers of the sea. These 
faults De Foe is studious to avoid in his new voyage. 
He spreads before his readers such adventures as no 
writer of a real voyage can hope to imitate, if we 
except the teller of Anson's tale- In the life of 
Crusoe we are gratified by continually imagining 
that the fiction is a fact ; in the Voyage Round the 
World we are pleased by constantly perceiving that 
the fact is a fiction, which, by uncommon skill, is 
made more interesting than a genuine voyage. 

Of fictitious biography it is equally true, that by 
matchless art it may be made more instructive than 
a real life. Few of our writers have excelled De 
Foe in this kind of biographical narration, the great 
qualities of which are, to attract by the diversity of 
circumstances, and to instruct by the usefulness of 

He published, in 1720, The History of Duncan 
Campbell. Of a person who was born deaf and 
dumb, but who himself taught the deaf and dumb to 
understand, it is easy to see that the life would be 
extraordinary. It will be found, that the author 
has intermixed some disquisitions of learning, and 
has contrived that the merriest passages shall end 
with some edifying moral x . The Fortunes and Mis- 

i x Before the History of Duncan Campbell, De Foe published 
similar work, called The Dumb Philosopher, or Great Britain's 
Wonder. Containing, 1. A faithful and very surprising 
account how Dickory Cronke, a tinner's son, in the county of 
Cornwall, who was born dumb and continued so for fifty-^ight 
years, and how some days before he died he came to his speech ; 



fortunes of Moll Flanders were made to gratify the 
world, in 1721. De Foe was aware, that in relating 
a vicious life, it was necessary to make the best use 
of a bad story ; and he artfully endeavours, that the 
reader shall be more pleased with the moral than 
the fable ; with the application than the relation ; 
with the end of the writer than the adventures of 
the person. There was published in 1721, a work 
of a similar tendency, The Life of ColonelJack, who 
was born a gentleman but was bred a pickpocket. 
Our author is studious to convert his various adven- 
tures into a delightful field, where the reader might 
gather herbs, wholesome and medicinal, without the 
incommodation of plants, poisonous or noxious. In 
1724 appeared The Life of Roxana. Scenes of 
crimes can scarcely be represented in such a manner, 
says De Foe, but some make a criminal use of them ; 
but when vice is painted in its low-prized colours, it 
is not to make people love what from the frightful- 
ness of the figures they ought necessarily to hate. 
Yet, I am not convinced, that the world has been 
made much wiser, or better, by the perusal of these 
lives ; they may have diverted the lower orders, but 
I doubt if they have much improved them ; if how- 
ever they have not made them better, they have not 
left them worse. But they do not exhibit many 
scenes which are welcome to cultivated minds. Of 
a very different quality are the Memoirs of a Cavalier, 
during the civil wars in England, which seem to 
have been published without a date. This is a ro- 
mance the likest to truth that ever was written y. 
It is a narrative of great events, which is drawn with 

with memoirs of his life and the manner of his death, &c. This 
is a curious pamphlet. 

y Lord Chatham is said to have long considered it a genuine 
history. In 1 726 De Foe published a similar book, The Military 



such simplicity, and enlivened with such reflections, 
as to inform the ignorant and entertain the wise. 

The moralities of De Foe, whether published in 
single volumes, or interspersed through many pas- 
sages, must at last give him a superiority over the 
crowd of his contemporaries 2 . The approbation 
which has been long given to his Family Instructor, 
and his Religious Courtship, seem to contain the 
favourable decision of his countrymen 3 . But there 
are still other performances of this nature, which are 
now to be mentioned, of not inferior merit. 

De Foe published, in 1722, A Journal of the 
Plague in ]665. The author's artifice consists in 
fixing the reader's attention by the deep distress of 
fellow-men ; and, by recalling the reader's recollec- 
tion to striking examples of mortality, he endeavours 
to inculcate the uncertainty of life, and the useful- 
ness of reformation. In 1724, De Foe published 
The great Law of Subordination. This is an admi- 
rable commentary on the Unsufferable Behaviour of 
Servants. Yet, though he interest by his mode, in- 
form by his facts, and convince by his argument, he 
fails at last, by expecting from law what must pro- 
ceed from manners b . Our author gave The Political 

Memoirs of Captain George Carleton. From the Dutch war, 
167*2, in which he served, to the conclusion of the peace at 
Utrecht, 1713, &c. 1728. This work was a great favourite 
with Dr. Johnson. 

z Mr. Wilson quotes this passage from Mr. Chalmers, and 
refers to another work published by De Foe, in 1720, not 
mentioned in the text; Christian Conversation, in six 
dialogues, about Assurance — Mortification — Natural Things- — 
Spirtualized — Union — Afflictions — Death. 

a These admirable works are reprinted in the present edition. 

b He also published, Everybody's Business is Nobody's Busi- 
ness ; or Private Abuses, Public Grievances. Exemplified in 
the pride, insolence, and exorbitant wages of our women-ser- 
vants, footmen, &c. -725. 



History of the Devil, in 1726. The matter and the 
mode conjoin to make this a charming performance. 
He engages poetry and prose, reasoning and wit, 
persuasion and ridicule, on the side of religion and 
morals, with wonderful efficacy. De Foe wrote 
A System of Magic in 1726 c . This may be properly 
regarded as a supplement to the History of the Devil. 
His end and his execution are exactly the same. 

c And also, in 1727, An Essay on the History and Reality of 
Apparitions, being an account of what they are, and what they 
are not. As also how we may distinguish between the Appari- 
tions of Good and Evil Spirits, and how we ought to behave to 
them. With a great variety of surprising and diverting ex- 
amples, never published before. These three works of De Foe 
are reprinted in the present edition. In 1726 he also published 
an Essay upon Literature, or An Inquiry into the Antiquity and 
Original of Letters, &c., and An Account of Peter the wild Boy, 
then lately discovered in one of the German forests. This 
latter work is entituled Mere Nature Delineated ; or, A Body 
Without a Soul. Being Observations upon the young Forester 
lately brought to Town from Germany. With suitable appli- 
tions. Also a Brief Dissertation upon the usefulness and ne- 
cessity of Fools, whether political or natural. In the year 1727, 
in addition to the work mentioned by Mr. Chalmers, De Foe 
published The Protestant Monastery ; or, A Complaint against 
the Brutality of the present Age, particularly the Pertness and 
Insolence of our Youth to Aged Persons, with a Caution to 
People in years how they give the staff out of their own hands, 
and leave themselves at the mercy of others. Concluding with a 
Proposal for erecting a Protestant Monastery, where persons of 
small fortunes may end their days in plenty, ease, and credit, 
without burdening their relations, or accepting public charities, 
And Parochial Tyranny ; or, The Housekeeper's Complaint 
against the insupportable Exactions and partial Assessments of 
Select Vestries, &c, with a Plain Detection of many Abuses 
committed in the distribution of public charities. Together with 
a practicable proposal for amending the same, which will not 
only take off great part of the parish taxes now subsisting, but 
ease parishioners from serving toublesome offices, or paying ex- 
orbitant fines. Both these works are published under the as- 
sumed name of Andrew Moreton, esq. The last was quoted by 
Mr. (now sir John) Hobhouse when bringing in his bill for 

G 2 



He could see no great harm in the present pretenders 
to magic, if the poor people would but keep their 
money in their pockets ; and that they should have 
their pockets picked by such an unperforming, un- 
meaning, ignorant crew as these are, is the only 
magic De Foe could see in the whole science. 
But the reader will discover in our author's system, 
extensive erudition, salutary remark, and useful 
satire. De Foe published in J 727, his Treatise on 
the Use and Abuse of the Marriage-Bed. The 
author had begun this performance thirty years be- 
fore ; he delayed the publication, though it had been 
long finished, in hopes of reformation. But being 
now grown old, and out of the reach of scandal, and 
despairing of amendment from a vicious age, he 
thought proper to close his days with this satire. 
He appealed to that judge, before whom he expected 
soon to appear, that as he had done it with an upright 
intention, so he had used his utmost endeavour to 
perform it in a manner which was the least liable to 
reflection, and the most answerable to the end of 
it — the reformation of the guilty. After such an 
appeal, and such asseverations, I will only remark, 
that this is an excellent book with an improper title- 

We are now to consider our author's Tours. He 
published his Travels through England, in 1724 
and 1725; and through Scotland, in 1727. De 
Foe was not one of those travellers who seldom quit 
the banks of the Thames. He had made wide ex- 
cursions over all those countries, with observant 
eyes and a vigorous intellect. The great artifice of 
these volumes consists in the frequent mention of 

the regulation of parish select vestries into the house of com- 
mons, in April 1829. (Hansard, Pari. Deb. vol. xxi. p. 898.) 



such men and things, as are always welcome to the 
reader's mind d . 

d He says, " The preparations for this work have been suit- 
able to my earnest concern for its usefulness. Seventeen very 
large circuits, or journeys, have been taken through divers parts 
separately, and three general tours over almost the whole Eng- 
lish part of the island ; in all which the author has not been 
wanting to treasure up just remarks upon particular places and 
things. Besides these several journeys in England, he has also 
lived some time in Scotland, and has travelled critically over 
great part of it : he has viewed the north part of England, and 
the south part of Scotland, five several times over ; all which is 
hinted here, to let the readers know what reason they have to 
be satisfied with the authority of the relation." 

The first of these Tours was published in 1724, under the 
title of, A Tour through the whole Island of Great Britain, 
divided into Circuits and Journeys. Giving a particular and 
diverting Account of whatever is Curious and worth Ob- 
servation, viz. I. A Description of the principal Cities and 
Towns ; their Situations, Magnitude, Government, and Com- 
merce. II. The Customs, Manners, Spirit ; as also, the Ex- 
ercises, Diversions, and Employment of the People. III. 
The Produce and Improvement of the Lands, the Trade and 
Manufactures. IV. The Seaports and Fortifications, the 
course of Rivers, and Inland Navigation. V. The Public 
Edifices, Seats, and Palaces of the Nobility and Gentry. With 
useful Observations on the whole. Particularly fitted for the 
reading of such as desire to travel over the island. By a 

The favourable reception of this volume, encouraged the au- 
thor to follow it by a second in the next year, with a similar 
title, and the addition of a map of South Britain, by Herman 
Moll, the geographer. A third volume, the same also in title, 
was added in 1727, containing the northern counties of Eng- 
land, and the south of Scotland ; and this completes the work. 
The useful information contained in these volumes, is conveyed 
in the familiar form of letters. In commending the work to 
the notice of the public, he says, " I have endeavoured that 
these letters shall not be a journal of trifles. If it is on that 
account too grave for some people, I hope it will not for 
others. I have studied the advancement and increase of know- 
ledge for those that read, and shall be as glad to make them 
wise, as to make them merry ; yet I hope they will not find 
the story so ill told, or so dull, as to tire them so soon? or so 



De Foe's Commercial Tracts are to be reviewed 
lastly. Whether his fancy gradually failed, as age 
hastily advanced, I am unable to tell. He certainly 
began, in 1726} to employ his pen more frequently 
on the real business of common life. He published, 
in 1727, The Complete English Tradesman ; direct- 
ing him in the several parts of trade. A second vo- 
lume soon after followed, which was addressed 
chiefly to the more experienced and more opulent 
traders. In these treatises the tradesman found 
many directions of business, and many lessons of 
prudence e . De Foe was not one of those writers, 
who consider private vices as public benefits : God 
forbid, he exclaims, that I should be understood to 
prompt the vices of the age, in order to promote 
any practice of traffic : trade need not be destroyed 
though vice were mortally wounded. With this 
salutary spirit he published, in 1728, A Plan of the 
English Commerce f . This seems to be the conclu- 

barren as to put them to sleep over it. The observations here 
made, as they principally regard the present state of things, 
so, as near as can be, they are adapted to the present state of 
the times." 

e This highly useful book is reprinted in the present edition, 
and should be in the hands of every young tradesman. 

f The title is as follows : A Plan of the English Commerce. 
Being a complete Prospect of the Trade of this Nation, as well 
the Home Trade as the Foreign. In three parts. I. Contain- 
ing a View of the present Magnitude of the English Trade, as 
it respects, 1. The Exportation of our own Growth and Manu- 
facture. 2. The Importation of Merchant Goods from Abroad. 
3. The prodigious Consumption of both at Home. Part II. 
Containing an Answer to that great and important Question 
now depending, whether our Trade, and especially our Manu- 
factures, are in a declining condition or no ? Part III. Con- 
taining several Proposals entirely new, for extending and im- 
proving our Trade, and promoting the Consumption of our 
Manufactures in Countries wherewith we have hitherto had no 
Commerce. Humbly offered to the Consideration of King 
and Parliament. 



sion of what he had begun in 1713. In 1728, Gee 
printed his Trade and Navigation considered. De 
Foe insisted, that our industry, our commerce, our 
opulence, and our people, had increased and were 
increasing. Gee represented' that our manufactures 
had received mortal stabs ; that our poor were des- 
titute, and our country miserable. De Foe main- 
tained the truth, which experience has taught to 
unwilling auditors. Gee asserted the falsehood, 
without knowing the fact : yet Gee is quoted, while 
De Foe with all his knowledge of the subject, as a 
commercial writer, is almost forgotten. The reason 
may be found perhaps in the characteristic remark 
with which he opens his plan : Trade, like religion, 
is what everybody talks of, but few understand. 

When curiosity has contemplated such copious- 
ness, such variety, and such excellence, it naturally 
inquires which was the last of De Foe's perfor- 
mances ? Were we to determine from the date of 
the title page, the Plan of Commerce must be ad- 
mitted to be his last. But if we must judge 
from his prefatory declaration, in The Abuse of 
the Marriage-Bed, where he talks of closing his 
days with this satire, which he was so far from see- 
ing cause of being ashamed of, that he hoped he 
should not be ashamed of it where he was going to 
account for it, we must finally decide, that our au- 
thor closed his career " with this upright intention 
for the good of mankind s." 

s He appears to have published two or three works after the 
Plan of English Commerce, under the assumed name of An- 
drew Moreton. The first a very remarkable work for the 
suggestions it contains in anticipation of another age. Au- 
gusta Triumphans ; or, The Way to make London the most 
flourishing City in the Universe. I. By establishing an Uni- 
versity, where Gentlemen may have Academical Education 
under the Eye of their Friends. II. To prevent much Mur- 



De Foe, after those innumerable labours, which 
I have thus endeavoured to recall to the public re- 
collection, died in April, 1731, within the parisU of 

der, &c, by an Hospital for Foundlings. III. By suppressing 
pretended Madhouses, where many of the Fair Sex are un- 
justly confined, while their Husbands keep Mistresses, &c, 
and many Widows are locked up for the sake of their Jointure. 
IV. To save our Youth from Destruction, by clearing our 
Streets of impudent Strumpets, suppressing Gaming Tables, 
and Sunday Debauches. V. To avoid the expensive Impor- 
tation of Foreign Musicians, by forming an Academy of our 
own. VI. To save our lower Class of People from utter 
Ruin, and render them useful, by preventing the immoderate 
Use of Geneva. With a frank exposure of many other com- 
mon Abuses, and incontestible Rules for Amendment. Con- 
cluding with an effectual Method to prevent Street Robberies. 
And a Letter to Col. Robinson, on Account of the Orphans' 

The second pamphlet, published in 1729, is entituled, Second 
Thoughts are Best ; or a further Improvement of a late 
Scheme to prevent Street Robberies. In which our Streets 
will be so strongly guarded, and so gloriously illuminated, that 
any part of London will be as safe and pleasant at Midnight 
as at Noonday ; and Burglary totally impracticable. With 
some Thoughts for suppressing Robberies in all the public 
Roads of England, &c. Humbly offered for the Good of his 
Country, submitted to the consideration of the Parliament, and 
dedicated to his sacred Majesty King George II. By An- 
drew Moreton, Esq. 

Mr. Wilson has given the analysis of what must be consi- 
dered the last literary effort of De Foe. The MS. work is in 
the possession of the Rev. Henry De Foe Baker, by whose 
kindness Mr. Wilson was permitted to examine it. [See Life 
of De Foe, vol. iii. p. 599.] The analysis is as follows : 

The Complete Gentleman, containing useful Observations 
on the general Neglect of Education of English Gentlemen, 
with the Reason and Remedies. The apparent Differences 
between a Well-born and Well-bred Gentleman. And In- 
structions how Gentlemen may recover a Deficiency of their 
Latin, and be Men of Learning without the Pedantry of 

Chap. I. Of the gentlemen born, in the common accept- 
ation of the word, and as the gentry amongst us are pleased to 



St. Giles's, Cripplegate, London, at an age, if he 
were born in 1663, when it was time to prepare for 
his last voyage. He left a widow, Susannah, who 
did not long survive him, and six sons and daugh- 
ters, whom he boasts of having educated as well as 
his circumstances would admit. His son Daniel is 
said to have emigrated to Carolina ; of Benjamin, 
his second son, no account can be given h . His 

understand it. Chap. II. Some examples from history, and 
from good information, of the want of care taken in the educa- 
tion of princes, and children of the nobility in former times, as 
well in this nation as in foreign countries, and how fatal the 
effects of it have been in their future conduct ; with some few ex- 
amples of the contrary also. Chap. III. Examples of the differ- 
ent educations of princes and persons of rank from the begin- 
ning of the sixteenth century, viz., from the reign of Henry 
VIII. inclusive. With observations down to the present 
time, on the happiness of those reigns in general, when the 
princes have been educated in principles of honour and virtue ; 
and something of the contrary. Chap. IV. Of royal educa- 
tion. Chap. V. The head of this chapter is erased. Chap. VI. 
Of the O ; of himself, his family, and fortune. 

Part the Second. Chap. I. Of the fund for increase of our 
nobility and gentry in England : being the beginning of those 
we call bred gentlemen : with some account of difference. 
Chap. II. There is no head to this chapter. Chap. III. Of 
the general ignorance of the English gentry, and the true 
cause of it in the manner of their introduction into life. 
Chap. IV. Of what may be the unhappy cause of the general 
defect in the education of our gentry ; with a rational proposal 
for preventing those consequences. 

h His latter days were stung by the base ingratitude and un- 
filial and unbrotherly conduct of his son, to whom, in a touching 
letter to Mr. Baker, he says he transferred his property, with 
the duty of maintaining his mother and sisters, and that he posi- 
tively squandered it upon himself ! Mr. Wilson has obtained 
permission from the great great grandson of Mr. Baker, the 
gentleman mentioned in the text, to publish the letter from De 
Foe to his ancestor. It gives a most distressing picture of 
the sorrows amid which his useful life closed ; but as it is the 
duty of history faithfully and not fancifully to relate the lives 
of illustrious men, and the constant exposure of the world's in- 



youngest daughter Sophia, married Mr. Henry Ba- 
ker, a person more respectable as a philosopher 
than a poet, who died in 1774, at the age of seventy. 

gratitude to its best benefactors, may in time shame it to a 
better feeling, we leave the true but mournful tale to speak its 
own lesson : and however agreeable it might have been to show 
the author of Robinson Crusoe gradually quitting the world he 
had spent his useful life to improve and delight, in the quiet 
and repose which might seem the harbinger of the peace he 
anticipated in a brighter, we must take leave of him, while in 
misery and in anger, surrounded by clouds and darkness, and 
stung by the worst of sorrows. 

" Dear Mr. Baker, 

" I have your very kind and affectionate letter of the 
1 st : but not come to my hand till the 16th ; where it had been 
delayed I know not. As your kind manner, and kinder 
thought, from which it flows, (for I take all you say to be as I 
always believed you to be, sincere and Nathaniel-like, without 
guile) was a particular satisfaction to me ; so the stop of a 
letter, however it happened, deprived me of that cordial too 
many days, considering how much I stood in need of it, to sup- 
port a mind sinking under the weight of an affliction too 
heavy for my strength, and looking on myself as abandoned of 
every comfort, every friend, and every relation, except such 
only as are able to give me no assistance. 

" I was sorry you should say at the beginning of your letter, 
you were debarred seeing me ; depend upon my sincerity for 
this, I am far from debarring you. On the contrary, it would 
be a greater comfort to me than any I now enjoy, that I could 
have your agreeable visits with safety, and could see both you 
and my dearest Sophia, could it be without giving her the grief 
of seeing her father in tenebris, and under the load of insupport- 
able sorrows. I am sorry I must open my griefs so far as to 
tell her, it is not the blow I received from a wicked, perjured, 
and contemptible enemy, that has broken in upon my spirit ; 
which she well knows has carried me on through greater disas- 
ters than these. But it has been the injustice, unkindness, 
and, I must say, inhuman dealing of my own son, which has 
both ruined my family, and, in a word, has broken my heart ; 
and as I am at this time under a weight of very heavy illness, 
which I think will be a fever, I take this occasion to vent my 
grief in the breasts who I know will make a prudent use of it, 
and tell you that nothing but this has conquered me, or could 



His daughter Maria married one Langley ; but 
Hannah and Henrietta probably remained unmar- 
ried, since they were heiresses only of a name, 
which did not recommend them. With regard to 

conquer me. Et tu ! Brute. I depended upon him, I trusted 
him, I gave up my two dear unprovided children into his 
hands ; but he had no compassion, and suffered them and 
their poor dying mother to beg their bread at his door, and to 
crave, as if it were an alms, what he is bound under hand 
and seal, besides the most sacred promises, to supply them 
with ; himself at the same time living in a profusion of plenty. 
It is too much for me. Excuse my infirmity, I can say no 
more; my heart is too full. I only ask one thing of you as a 
dying request. Stand by them when I am gone, and let them 
not be wronged, while he is able to do them right. Stand by 
them as a brother ; and if you have anything within you owing 
to my memory, who have bestowed on you the best gift I had 
to give, let them not be injured and trampled on by false pre- 
tences, and unnatural reflections. I hope they will want no 
help but that of comfort and counsel ; but that they will indeed 
want, being so easy to be managed by words and promises. 

" It adds to my grief that it is so difficult to me to see you. 
I am at a distance from London, in Kent ; nor have a lodging 
in London, nor have I been at that place in the Old Bailey 
since I wrote you I was removed from it. At present I am 
weak, having had some fits of a fever that have left me low. 
But those things much more. 

" I have not seen son or daughter, wife or child, many weeks, 
and know not which way to see them. They dare not come 
by water, and by land here is no coach, and I know not what 
to do. 

" It is not possible for me to come to Enfield, unless you 
could find a retired lodging for me, where I might not be 
known, and might have the comfort of seeing you both now and 
then ; upon such a circumstance, I could gladly give the 
days to solitude, to have the comfort of half an hour now and 
then with you both for two or three weeks. But just to come 
and look at you, and retire immediately, it is a burden too 
heavy. The parting will be a pain beyond the enjoyment. 

" I would say, I hope, with comfort, that it is yet well. I 
am so near my journey's end, and am hastening to the place 
where the 6 weary are at rest, and the wicked cease to trouble ;' 
but that the passage is rough, and the day stormy, by what 



Norton, from Daniel and Ostraea sprung *, 
Bless'd with his father's front, and mother's 

it is only said that he was a wretched writer in the 
Flying Post, and the author of Alderman Barber's 
Life. De Foe probably died insolvent ; for letters 
of administration on his goods and chattels were 
granted to Mary Brooke, widow, a creditrix, in Sep- 
tember, 1733, after summoning in official form the 

way soever He pleases to bring me to the end of it, I desire to 
finish life with this temper of soul in all cases : Te Deum lau- 

66 1 congratulate you on the occasion of your happy advance 
in your employment. May all you do be prosperous, and all 
you meet with pleasant, and may you both escape the tortures 
and troubles of uneasy life. May you sail the dangerous voy- 
age of life with a forcing wind, and make the port of heaven 
without a storm. 

" It adds to my grief, that I must never see the pledge of 
your mutual love, my little grandson. Give him my blessing, 
and may he be to you both your joy in youth, and your com- 
fort in age, and never add a sigh to your sorrow. But, alas ! 
that is not to be expected. Kiss my dear Sophy once more for 
me ; and if I must see her no more, tell her this is from a 
father that loved her above all his comforts, to his last breath. 

" Your unhappy, 

D. F. 

" About two miles from Greenwich, Kent, 
Tuesday, August 12th, 1730. 

" P. S. I wrote you a letter some months ago, in a nswer to one 
from you, about selling the house ; but you never signified to 
me whether you received it. I have not the policy of assur- 
ance ; I suppose my wife, or Hannah, may have it. 

" Idem, D. F." 

1 Pope had collected this scandal from Savage, who says in the 
preface to his Author to be Let, " Had it not been an honester 
livelihood for Mr. Norton, (Daniel De Foe's son of love by a 
lady who vended oysters,) to have dealt in a fish-market, than 
to be dealing out the dialects of Bililngsgate in the Flying 
Post ?" 



next of kin to appear k . John Dunton 1 , who per- 
sonally knew our author, describes him, in 1705, as 
a man of good parts and clear sense ; of a conversa- 
tion, ingenious and brisk ; of a spirit, enterprising 
and bold, but of little prudence ; with good nature 
and real honesty. Of his petty habits, little now 
can be told, more than he has thus confessed him- 
self" 1 : " God, I thank thee, I am not a drunkard, 
or a swearer, or a whoremaster, or a busybody, or 
idle, or revengeful ; and though this be true, and I 
challenge all the world to prove the contrary, 
yet, I must own, I see small satisfaction in all the 
negatives of common virtues ; for though I have not 
been guilty of any of these vices, nor of many more, 
I have nothing to infer from thence, but Te Deum 
laudamus" He says himself : 

Confession will anticipate reproach, 
He that reviles us then, reviles too much ; 
All satire ceases when the men repent, 
'Tis cruelty to lash the penitent. 

When De Foe had arrived at sixty-five, while he 
was encumbered with a family, and, I fear, pinched 
with penury, Pope, endeavoured, by repeated strokes, 
to bring his grey hairs with sorrow to the grave. 
This he did without propriety, and, as far as appears, 
without provocation ; for our author is not in the 
black list of scribblers, who by attempting to lessen 
the poet's fame, incited the satirist's indignation. 
The offence and the fate of Bentley and De Foe 
were nearly alike. Bentley would not allow the 

k The above-mentioned particulars were discovered by 
searching the books at Doctors Commons. 
1 Life and Errors, 239-240. 
m In the preface to his Reformation. 



translation to be Homer : De Foe had endeavoured 
to bring Milton into vogue seven years ere the 
Paradise Lost and Chevy Chase had been criticised 
in the Spectators by Addison. Our author had 
said in More Reformation, 

Let this describe the nation's character, 

One man reads Milton, forty . 

The case is plain, the temper of the time, 
One wrote the lewd, the other the sublime. 

An enraged poot alone could have thrust into the 
Dunciad, Bentley, a profound scholar, Cibber, a 
brilliant wit, and De Foe, a happy genius. This 
was the consequence of exalting satire as the test of 
truth ; while truth ought to have been enthroned 
the test of satire. Yet, it ought not to be forgotten, 
that De Foe has some sarcasm, in his System of 
Magic, on the sylphs and gnomes, which Pope may 
have deemed a daring invasion of his Rosicrutian 

De Foe has not yet outlived his century, though 
he have outlived most of his contemporaries. Yet 
the time is come, when he must be acknowledged as 
one of the ablest, as he is one of the most captivating, 
writers, of which this island can boast. Before he 
can be admitted to this pre-eminence, he must be 
considered distinctly, as a poet, as a novelist, as a 
polemic, as a commercial writer, and as a grave 
^ historian. 

As a poet, we must look to the end of his effusions 
rather than to his execution, ere we can allow hirn 
considerable praise. To mollify national animosities, 
or to vindicate national rights, are certainly noble 
objects, which merit the vigour and imagination of 
Milton, or the flow and precision of Pope ; but our 
author's energy runs into harshness, and his sweet- 


ness is to be tasted in his prose more than in his 
poesy. If we regard the Adventures of Crusoe, like 
The Adventures of Telemachus, as a poem, his 
moral, his incidents, and his language, must lift him 
high on the poet's scale. His professed poems, 
whether we contemplate the propriety of sentiment, 
or the suavity of numbers, may indeed, without much 
loss of pleasure or instruction, be resigned to those, 
who, in imitation of Pope, poach in the fields of 
obsolete poetry for brilliant thoughts, felicities of 
phrase, or for happy rhymes. 

As a novelist, every one will place him in the 
foremost rank, who considers his originality, his 
performance, and his purpose. The Ship of Fools 
had indeed been launched in early times ; but, who 
like De Foe, had ever carried his reader to sea, in 
order to mend the heart, and regulate the practice 
of life, by showing his readers the effect of adversity, 
or how they might equally be called to sustain his 
hero's trials, as they sailed round the world. But, 
without attractions, neither the originality, nor the 
end, can have any salutary consequence. This he 
had foreseen ; and for this he has provided, by 
giving his adventures in a style so pleasing, because 
it is simple, and so interesting, because it is particu- 
Jar, that every one fancies he could write a similar 
language. It was, then, idle in Boyer formerly, or 
in Smollett lately, to speak of De Foe as a party 
writer, in little estimation. The writings of no 
author since have run through more numerous 
editions. And he whose works have pleased gene- 
rally and pleased long, must be deemed a writer of 
no small estimation ; the people's verdict being the 
proper test of what they are the proper judges. 

As a polemic, I fear we must regard our author 
with less kindness, though it must be recollected, 
that he lived during a contentious period, when two 



parties distracted the nation, and writers indulged 
in great asperities. But, in opposition to reproach, 
let it ever be remembered, that he defended freedom, 
without anarchy ; that he supported toleration, 
without libertinism ; that he pleaded for moderation 
even amidst violence. With acuteness of intellect, 
with keenness of wit, with archness of diction, and 
pertinacity of design ; it must be allowed that nature 
had qualified, in a high degree, De Foe for a dispu- 
tant. His polemical treatises, whatever might have 
been their attractions once, may now be delivered 
without reserve to those who delight in polemical 
reading. De Foe, it must be allowed, was a party 
writer : But, were not Swift and Prior, Steel and 
Addison, Halifax and Bolingbroke, party writers ? 
De Foe, being a party writer upon settled principles, 
did not change with the change of parties : Addison 
and Steel, Prior and Swift, connected as they were 
with persons, changed their note as persons were 
elevated or depressed. 

As a commercial writer, De Foe is fairly entitled 
to stand in the foremost rank among his contempo- 
raries, whatever may be their performances or their 
fame. Little would be his praise, to say of him, 
that he wrote on commercial legislation like Addi- 
son, who when he touches on trade, sinks into im- 
becility, without knowledge of fact, or power of ar- 
gument 11 . The distinguishing characteristics of De 
Foe, as a commercial disquisitor, are originality and 
depth. He has many sentiments with regard to 
traffic, which are scattered through his Reviews, and 
which I never read in any other book. His Giving 
Alms no Charity, is a capital performance, with the 

n See the Present State of the War, and the necessity of an 
augmentation. And see his Commercial Papers in the Free- 



exception of one or two thoughts about the abridg- 
ment of labour by machinery, which are either half 
formed or half expressed. Were we to compare De 
Foe with D'Avenant, it would be found, that D'Ave- 
nant has more detail from official documents ; that De 
Foe has more fact from wider inquiry. D'Avenant 
is more apt to consider laws in their particular ap- 
plication; De Foe more frequently investigates 
commercial legislation in its general effects. From 
the publications of D'Avenant it is sufficiently clear, 
that he was not very regardful of means, or very 
attentive to consequences ; De Foe is more correct 
in his motives, and more salutary in his ends. But, 
as a commercial prophet, De Foe must yield the palm 
to Child ; who foreseeing from experience that men's 
conduct must finally be directed by their principles, 
foretold the colonial revolt : De Foe, allowing his 
prejudices to obscure his sagacity, reprobated that 
suggestion, because he deemed interest a more 
strenuous prompter than enthusiasm. Were we 
however to form an opinion, not from special passages, 
but from whole performances, we must incline to De 
Foe, when compared with the ablest contemporary : 
we must allow him the preference, on recollection, 
that when he writes on commerce he seldom fails to 
insinuate some axiom of morals, or to inculcate some 
precept of religion. 

As an historian, it will be found, that our author 
had few equals in the English language, when he 
wrote. His Memoirs of a Cavalier show how well 
he could execute the lighter narratives. His History 
of the Union evinces that he was equal to the higher 
department of historic composition. This is an ac- 
count of a single event, difficult indeed in its execu- 
tion, but beneficial certainly in its consequences. 
With extraordinary skill and information, our author 
relates, not only the event, but the transactions 

LIFE. h 



which preceded, and the effects which followed. He 
is at once learned and intelligent. Considering the 
factiousness of the age, his candour is admirable. 
His moderation is exemplary. And if he spoke of 
James I. as a tyrant, he only exercised the preroga- 
tive, which our historians formerly enjoyed, of casting 
obloquy on an unfortunate race, in order to supply 
deficience of knowledge, of elegance, and of style. 
In this instance De Foe allowed his prejudice to 
overpower his philosophy. If the language of his 
narrative want the dignity of the great historians of 
the current times, it has greater facility ; if it be not 
always grammatical, it is generally precise ; and if 
it be thought defective in strength, it must be allowed 
to excel in sweetness. 

Such then are the pretensions of De Foe to be 
acknowledged as one of the ablest and most useful 
writers of our island. He who still doubts may per- 
haps satisfy his greatest doubts, by perusing the 
chronological catalogue of our author's works, which 
I have compiled, in order to gratify the public curi- 
osity ; and which, for the greater distinctness, 1 have 
divided into two heads: 1st, Those writings that I 
think are certainly De Foe's : 2ndly, Those writings 
that are said to be his. As I do not pretend to 
perfect accuracy, it would be a favour to the world 
and to me, if any one, of more knowledge and leisure 
than I possess, would point out mistakes for the 
purpose of amendment. The zealous interposition 
of Mr. Lockyer Davis, and the liberal spirit of the 
Stationers' company, procured me the perusal of the 
register of books, which have been entered at 
Stationers-hall. I was surprised and disappointed 
to find so few of De Foe's writings entered as pro- 
perty, and his name never mentioned as an author 
or a man. 

end of mr. Chalmers's life. 



In presenting to the public so complete an edition 
of the works of De Foe, the publishers feel that they 
are engaged in a truly national undertaking, inter- 
esting to all ranks of Englishmen, but peculiarly to 
the middle classes. De Foe was essentially a practi- 
cal author, not only as regards his style, but his turn 
of mind, his choice of subjects, and his mode of hand- 
ling them. He wrote voluminously, upon all kinds 
of subjects and for all ranks of men : and by some 
of his works he has continued from that time to this, 
to please all classes and ages of people in all the 
countries of Europe. For many years he took 
an active part in the political controversies of that 
troubled time, which were so much embittered by 
the factious excitement arising from the ex- 
pulsion of the Stuart dynasty, and placing William 
III. on the throne ; and during the long period of 
his life in which he engaged in political warfare, he 
consistently and constantly maintained the principles 
of the revolution. Many of his pamphlets being di- 
rected to passing topics have ceased to possess that 
general and enduring interest which attaches to his 
other works, but they are full of manly sentiments, 
expressed in a plain, racy, English style, and well de- 
serve the attentive perusal of all who may wish 
thoroughly to understand that period of our history 
which elapsed between the accession of William III. 
and the death of queen Anne. His History of the 
Union is a standard work, and peculiarly valuable as 
the production of a man who took an active part in 
the great national event which it commemorates. 

Essentially practical, as we have observed, in his 
mind, De Foe was ever anxious to give useful instruc- 
tions to his countrymen, for the regulation of 

h 2 



their conduct in their homes and their pursuits in 
life, and embodied the results of an experienced and 
sagacious mind in the Family Instructor, the Religi- 
ous Courtship, and the Complete English Trades- 
man. This last work is one which no young man 
entering into business should be without. It is an 
invaluable manual, full of the lessons of instructed 
prudence and good sense. Even his admirable ro- 
mances, too, are written in the same spirit. They 
were not composed in his youth, in the heyday of his 
imagination, merely to gratify an idle curiosity in 
the reader, but in the evening of his life when his 
judgment was matured, and his experience at the full. 
Some of them were written to show the bitter fruits 
of a life of vice ; and others to display in a vivid 
manner the importance of self-reliance, based on its 
proper foundation, a sincere and Christian trust in 
Providence, under all circumstances ; with the ines- 
timable value of a practical education, and a thorough 
acquaintance with the arts of life, and what too many 
persons are foolishly apt to despise as common things. 
That these were the paramount objects De Foe had 
in view is evident not only from a perusal of these va- 
luable works, but from his own strongly asserted 
statements in his prefaces both to Moll Flanders and 
Robinson Crusoe. In the former, he says, "as the 
whole relation is usefully garbled of all the levity and 
looseness that was in it, so it is applied with the 
utmost care to virtuous and religious uses. None 
can, without being guilty of manifest injustice, cast 
any reproach upon it, or upon our design in publish- 
ing it. The advocates of the stage have in all ages 
made this the great argument, to persuade people 
that their plays are useful, and that they ought to be 
allowed in the most civilized, and in the most reli- 
gious government ; namely, that they are applied to 
virtuous purposes, and that, by the most lively re- 



presentations, they fail not to recommend virtue and 
generous principles, and to discourage and expose 
all sorts of vice and corruption of manners ; and 
were it true that they did so, and that they constantly 
adhered to that rule, as the test of their acting on 
the theatre, much might be said in their favour. 

" Throughout the infinite variety of this book, this 
fundamental is most strictly adhered to ; there is 
not a wicked action in any part of it, but it is first or 
last rendered unhappy or unfortunate ; there is not 
a superlative villain brought upon the stage, but he 
is either brought to an unhappy end, or brought to 
be a penitent ; there is not an ill thing mentioned 
but it is condemned, even in the relation; nor a vir- 
tuous just thing but it carries its praise along with 
it. What can more exactly answer the rule laid 
down, to recommend even those representations of 
things which have so many other just objections 
lying against them ; namely, of example of bad com- 
pany, obscene language, and the like." And in 
the preface to Robinson Crusoe he states his ob- 
ject to be "a religious application of events to the 
uses to which wise men always apply them, viz., to 
the instruction of others by this example, and to 
justify and honour the wisdom of Providence in all 
the variety of our circumstances, let them happen 
how they will." 

The extreme popularity of this justly celebrated 
work proves the success with which De Foe's la- 
bours were crowned. It is a book essentially 
English, one of which an Englishman only would 
have conceived the design, and which probably 
only an Englishman would have been able to 
execute. The idea of an inhabitant of a solitary 
island, " far in the melancholy main," subsisting in 
comparative comfort, might be expected from one of 
that nautical people whose flag has not only * braved a 



thousand years the battle and the breeze,' but floated 
in triumph on every sea, and waved in the winds of 
every clime. From such a people the author might 
expect readers, and he has had them by thousands 
of every class and of every age. The interest, how- 
ever, of the story has not confined the reputation and 
popularity of Robinson Crusoe to this country, but 
has made it the universal favourite of Europe. The 
great characteristics of this remarkable book are the 
vividness with which the imaginary scenes are de- 
picted, so as to make it impossible for the reader to 
doubt their reality, and the just importance which is 
given to the knowledge of what a great man called 
"doing common things in a common way." For his 
power of imparting reality to his fictions De Foe 
indeed stands highly distinguished among authors. 
Dr. Johnson mistook the Life and Piracies of Cap- 
tain Singleton, for a real history ; and lord Chatham 
fell into a similar mistake about the Memoirs of a 
Cavalier during the civil wars in England. Dr. 
Mead quoted the History of the Plague as an authentic 
detail by an eyewitness. And this quality marks 
the different fictions, Moll Flanders, &c, which the 
publishers have collected and reprinted in the present 
edition. These remarkable tales, it is true, describe 
the career of loose and immoral characters, but only 
in a way to disgust and deter. There is never any 
impropriety in the descriptions of events, however 
degrading; the nature of De Foe was abhorrent from 
indecency : but the heroes and heroines, who tell 
their own stories, instead of dwelling with unction 
or satisfaction on their past lives, only narrate parti- 
cular incidents to express their sincere disgust at 
them, and repentance for the future, and to warn 
others from a life so fruitful of bitter results. Whilst 
De Foe was so cruelly and unjustly imprisoned in 
Newgate for defending the Hanoverian succession ! 



(strange perversion of party spirit !) he employed his 
active mind in acquiring information relative to its 
unhappy and guilty inmates ; and deeply convinced 
that mankind would be benefited by an exposure 
of the sorrow and distresses that invariably accompany 
and follow a life of crime, he embodied the results of 
his experience in fictions which we agree with him in 
thinking to be as useful as they are vivid. Mr. 
Alexander Chalmers, in his sketch of De Foe e , says, 
"these lives are too gross for improvement"; we 
cannot agree with this opinion of the learned biogra- 
pher. We hold, that novels, written like De Foe's, 
not on the base principle of making a market by 
pandering to the worst passions of the multitude, 
but where all indecency of expression or even of 
suggestion, is carefully avoided, and vice is only 
described as entailing misery, are instructive and 
benefical to the people. 

The style of De Foe is plain and homely, but ex- 
pressive, direct, and manly. Tt may be described 
as thoroughly English. It reflected the character 
of his mind, and bespoke the man of firm resolve, 
and unshaken integrity. 

His principles were those of a sincere dissenter, of 
the whig school. He joined most heartily in the 
Revolution of 1688, and continued a steadfast friend 
to its principles and its hero. To William III. 
De Foe was devotedly attached ; and after the death 
of that great king, vindicated his memory from the 
poisonous shafts of malice and slander. He was the 
champion of civil and religious liberty, which he 
evidently valued as the most precious of earthly 
things. Of that cause he continued the unflinching 
advocate, and may be regarded as the most efficient 
of that day which the press could boast. Through 

e Biog. Diet. vol. ii. p. 403. art. De Foe. 



good report and evil report, under the smiles of 
sovereigns or incarcerated in Newgate, in prosperity 
or poverty, stung by the malevolence of faction, or 
by filial ingratitude, in health or in sickness, in 
gladness or in sorrow, De Foe held by the same 
sheet anchor of principle, remained incorruptible in 
his love of liberty, and died as he had lived through- 
out a long and eventful career, what he so justly 
felt himself, a " True-born Englishman," and to use 
his own admirable expression in Kobinson Crusoe, a 
" broadhearted man." Honoured be his memory! 

The first attempt to do justice to the merits of 
De Foe, and to rescue the main events of his useful 
and laborious life from oblivion, was made by the 
late Mr. George Chalmers, of the Board of Trade, 
whose biography the present publishers now re- 
print. Since that period, gentlemen of learning 
and ability have followed his steps. Dr. Towers, in 
the Biographia Britannica, has sketched the life of 
De Foe, and Mr. Alexander Chalmers, in the Bio- 
graphical Dictionary, has also done justice to his 
memory. Sir Walter Scott gave the aid of his great 
name to the same object, by publishing an edition 
of De Foe. Mr. Walter Wilson, of the Middle 
Temple, has published lately a long and detailed 
Life of De Foe, which is by far the most complete 
yet compiled, and should be consulted by every 
student desirous of becoming thoroughly acquainted 
with the events of his chequered career. The pre- 
sent edition of his works will supply a desideratum 
in English literature, and enable his countrymen to 
possess, at a small cost, the various productions of 
his versatile genius, and be instructed by one of 
the most deservedly popular and really useful au- 
thors that has ever adorned the country. 

We subjoin the able critiques on De Foe, by the 
late Charles Lamb, a man exactly qualified to ap- 


preciate him, by a writer in the Retrospective Re- 
view, and by sir Walter Scott. For the first, the 
world is indebted to Mr. Wilson f . " It has hap- 
pened not seldom that one work of some author has 
so transcendantly surpassed in execution the rest of 
his compositions, that the world has agreed to pass 
a sentence of dismissal upon the latter, and to con- 
sign them to total neglect and oblivion. It has done 
wisely in this, not to suffer the contemplation of ex- 
cellences of a lower standard to abate or stand in 
the way of the pleasure it has agreed to receive 
from the masterpiece. 

" Again, it has happened, that from no inferior 
merit of execution in the rest, but from superior 
good fortune in the choice of its subject, some single 
work shall have been suffered to eclipse and cast 
into shade the deserts of its less fortunate brethren. 
This has been done with more or less injustice in 
the case of the popular allegory of Bunyan, in which 
the beautiful and scriptural image of a pilgrim or 
wayfarer (we are all such upon earth!) addressing 
itself intelligibly and feelingly to the bosoms of all, 
has silenced and made almost to be forgotten, the 
more awful and scarcely less tender beauties of the 
Holy War made by Shaddai upon Diabolus, of the 
same author, a romance less happy in its subject, 
but surely well worthy of a secondary immortality. 
But in no instance has this excluding partiality 
been exerted with more unfairness than against 
what may be termed the secondary novels or ro- 
mances of De Foe. 

" While all ages and descriptions of people hang 
delighted over the Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, 
and shall continue to do so, we trust, while the world 
lasts, how few, comparatively, will bear to be told 

Vol. iii. p. 436. 


that there exist other fictitious narratives by the 
same author, four of them at least of no inferior in- 
terest, except what results from a less felicitous 
choice of situation. Roxana, Singleton, Moll Flan- 
ders, ColonelJack — are all genuine offspring of the 
same father. They bear the veritable impress of 
De Foe. An unpractised midwife that would not 
swear to the nose, lip, forehead, and age of every 
one of them ! They are, in their way, as full of in- 
cident, and some of them are every bit as romantic ; 
only they want the uninhabited island, and the 
charm that has bewitched the world, of the striking 
solitary situation. 

" But are there no solitudes out of the cave and 
the desert? or cannot the heart in the midst of 
crowds feel frightfully alone ? Singleton, on the 
world of waters, prowling about with pirates less 
merciful than the creatures of any prowling wilder- 
ness ; is he not alone, with the faces of men about 
him, but without a guide that can conduct him 
through the mist of educational and habitual igno- 
rance ; or a fellow heart that can interpret to him 
the new-born yearnings and aspirations of unprac- 
tised penitence ? or when the boy, Colonel Jack, 
in the loneliness of the heart, (the worst solitude,) 
goes to hide his ill-purchased treasure in the hollow 
tree by night, and miraculously loses, and miracu- 
lously finds it again ; whom hath he there to sym- 
pathise with him ? or of what sort are his associates? 

" The narrative manner of De Foe has a naturalness 
about it, beyond that of any novel or romance writer. 
His fictions have all the air of true stories. It is 
impossible to believe while you are reading them, 
that a real person is not narrating to you everywhere 
nothing but what really happened to himself. To 
this, the extreme homeliness of their style mainly 
contributes. We use the word in its best and 



heartiest sense, — that which comes home to the 
reader. The narrators everywhere are chosen from 
low life, or have had their origin in it ; therefore 
they tell their own tales, (Mr. Coleridge has antici- 
pated us in this remark,) as persons in their degree are 
observed to do, with infinite repetition, and an over- 
acted exactness, lest the hearer should not have 
minded, or have forgotten some things that had 
been told before. Hence the emphatic sentences, 
marked in the good old (but deserted) Italic type ; 
and hence, too, the frequent interposition of the re- 
minding old colloquial parenthesis, "I say," " mind," 
and the like, when the story-teller repeats what to 
a practised reader might appear to have been suf- 
ficiently insisted upon before. What pirates, what 
thieves, and what harlots, are the thief, the harlot, 
and the pirate of De Foe? We would not he- 
sitate to say, that in no other book of fiction, where 
the lives of such characters are described, is guilt 
and delinquency made less seductive, or the suffering 
made more closely to follow the commission, or 
the penitence more earnest or bleeding, or the in- 
tervening flashes of religious visitation, upon the rude 
and uninstructed soul, more meltingly or fearfully 
painted. They, in this, come near to the tender- 
ness of Bunyan ; while the lively pictures and in- 
cidents in them, as in Hogarth, or in Fielding, tend 
to diminish that fastidiousness to the concerns and 
pursuits of common life, which an unrestrained 
passion for the ideal and the sentimental is in danger 
of producing." 

The writer in the Retrospective Review observes : 
" We avail ourselves with some satisfaction of an 
opportunity of introducing to our readers an old 
and valued acquaintance, as one whom they may 
have had the misfortune to lose sight of, amidst the 
perplexities of life and the competition of more ob- 



trusive candidates for their notice. For our own 
part, surrounded as we are by the bustle and cares 
of middle age, the mere mention of our author's name 
falls upon us as cool and refreshing as a drop of rain 
in the hot and parched midday ; for it never fails to 
bring along with it the recollection of the morning of 
our life, those green and pleasant years, when the so- 
litary inhabitant of the desert island was perpetually 
mingling with the day-dreams of our imagination. 

"After a vain attempt to apply to De Foe those 
laws of criticism which hold in ordinary cases, we 
are compelled to regard him as a phenomenon, and 
to consider his genius as something rare and curious, 
which it is impossible to assign to any class whatever. 
Throughout the ample stores of fiction, in which 
our literature abounds more than that of any other 
people, there are no works which at all resemble his, 
either in the design or execution. Without any 
precursor in the strange and unwonted path he 
chose, and without a follower, he spun his web of 
coarse but original materials, which no mortal had 
ever thought of using before; and when he had done 
it, seems as though he had snapped the thread, and 
conveyed it beyond the reach of imitation. To have 
a numerous train of followers is usually considered 
as adding to the reputation of the writer ; we deem 
it a circumstance of peculiar honour to De Foe that 
he had none ; for, in general, they are the faults of a 
great author, the parts where he exaggerates truth, or 
deviates from propriety, that become the prey of the 
imitator. Whenever he has stolen a ' grace beyond 
the reach of art,' whenever the vigour and freshness 
of nature are apparent, there he is inaccessible to 
imitation. The fugitive charms which are thus im- 
parted, the volatile and subtle spirit which gives life 
and animation to the work, baffle and elude the 
grasp of mere imitative genius. In the fictions of 



De Foe we meet with nothing that is artificial, or 
that does not breathe the breath of life. The in- 
genuity which could counterfeit works of a more 
elaborate kind, and much more highly as well as 
curiously wrought, could make nothing of a simpli- 
city so naked, and a manner so perfectly natural. 
The most consummate art was unable to follow 
where no vestiges of art were to be seen, for either 
none has been employed, or its traces are concealed 
as carefully as the Indian hides his footsteps from 
the observation of his pursuers ; since to the critical 
eye, nothing is visible but the easy unconstraint of 
nature, and the fearlessness of truth. Besides, it 
must be allowed, that the temptation to imitate was 
as small as the difficulties were many and great ; for 
whilst he transcribed from the volume of life with a 
fidelity and closeness that have never been equalled, 
with a singularly mortified taste, he chose the plainest 
and least inviting pages of the whole book. Those 
who would imitate De Foe must copy from nature 
herself ; and instead of dressing her out to advan- 
tage, content themselves with delineating some of 
her simplest and homeliest features. His language 
is always that of the plain and unlettered person he 
professes himself; homely in phraseology, in ex- 
pression rude and inartificial ; yet like that of one 
who has received a distinct impression of objects 
which he has seen, it is often forcible, happy, and 
strongly descriptive. Generally speaking, in other 
fictitious narratives, a tendency to moralise out of 
reason or in a vein too elevated for the character 
assumed, or a continued effort to be uniformly wise, 
or elaborately witty, is almost sure to unmask the 
impostor, and expose the dreaming pedant at his desk; 
or, if these characteristic marks be wanting, either 
the narrative is inconsistent with itself, or it contra- 
dicts some known and established fact, or there is some 


anachronism, or other overt act against truth is com- 
mitted, which critical sagacity seldom fails to detect 
and punish. But our author is never caught tripping 
in this way ; he moralises to be sure, as much or 
more than most writers, but then his reflections are 
always in the right vein ; he never steps from 
behind the curtain to figure away himself upon the 
stage. Either a vigilance that was perpetually on the 
watch preserved him from error, or he went right 
by mere instinct ; or he so identified himself with 
his imaginary hero that he became in fancy the 
very individual he was creating, and was therefore 
necessarily always in character. But whatever vigi- 
lance he used, he has always the art to appear perfectly 
unconcerned ; there is none of the constraint that 
usually accompanies a painful effort to support im- 
posture ; his hero is not stiff and awkward like a 
puppet, which has no voluntary motion, but moves 
freely and carelessly along the stage ; talks to us in 
an honest, open, confidential sort of way ; lays his 
inmost thoughts and feelings open before us, as be- 
fore a confessor, without caution and subterfuge ; 
and by never asking our belief, never seeming 
conscious of a possibility of its being denied, fairly 
compels us to grant it. 

The grand secret of his art, however, if art it can 
be called, and were not rather an instinct, consists 
doubtless in the astonishing minuteness of the details, 
and the circumstantial particularity with which 
everything is laid before us. It is by this, perhaps 
more than anything else, that fictitious narratives are 
distinguishable from the genuine memoirs of those 
who have been eyewitnesses of what they relate. 
The parts in the one case may be as probable as in 
the other, the descriptions as vivid and striking, the 
style as natural and unconstrained ; still there is an 
indefinable something which seems to be wanting to 



the former, though we may not have remarked its 
presence in the latter. Some unimportant particular, 
some minute circumstances, which none but he who 
had seen it with his own eyes would have thought 
of remarking, will always serve, like the scarcely 
discernible lines on a genuine note, to distinguish be- 
tween the true and the counterfeit. The eye of the 
imagination, however strong and piercing, cannot 
always pervade the whole scene, and see everything 
distinctly ; the more prominent features, indeed, it 
may develope with the clearness and accuracy of an 
almost unclouded vision, but all besides is either 
obscured with mist, or lost in impenetrable shade ; 
and he who paints from the ideal must consequently 
either leave these parts unfinished, or spread his 
colours at random. It is the singular merit of De 
Foe to have overcome this difficulty, and to have 
communicated to his fictitious narratives every 
characteristic mark by which we distinguish between 
real and pretended adventures. The whole scene 
lay expanded before him in the fulness of light and 
life, and, down to the minutest particular, everything 
is delineated with truth and accuracy. It is not 
necessary that we should have the light fall advan- 
tageously, or wink with our eyes, in order to make 
the delusion complete, by hiding the defects and 
softening down the harsh lines of the representation ; 
the most penetrating gaze, aided by the strongest 
light, cannot detect the imposition, or distinguish 
between the shade and the substance. Writers of 
fiction may, in general, be said rather to shadow 
forth than fully to delineate their visions, either be- 
cause they flit away too early, or are never seen with 
sufficient distinctness ; like the first discoverers of 
countries, they trace out a few promontories or? the ; r 
chart, and give a faint outline of something indis- 
tinctly seen. In the solitude of his closet, De Foe 



could travel round the world in idea, seeing every- 
thing with the distinctness of natural vision, and 
noting everything with the minuteness of the most 
accurate observer. His chart presents us not merely 
with the bold headland, shooting forth into the deep, 
or the clearly defined mountain that rises into 
middle air behind ; we have the whole coast fully 
and fairly traced out, with the soundings of every 
bay, the direction of every current, and the quarter 
of every wind that blows." 

Sir Walter Scott says, " The fertility of De Foe 
was astonishing. He wrote on all occasions and on 
all subjects, and seemingly had little time for pre- 
paration on the subject in hand, but treated it from 
the stores which his memory retained of early read- 
ing, and such hints as he caught up in society, not 
one of which seems to have been lost upon him. 
His language is genuine English, often simple, even 
unto vulgarity, but always so distinctly impressive, 
that its very vulgarity has an efficacy in giving an 
air of truth or probability to the facts or sentiments 
it conveys. Exclusive of politics, De Foe's studies 
led chiefly to those popular narratives which are 
the amusement of children and the lower classes ; 
those accounts of travellers who have visited remote 
countries ; of voyagers who have made discoveries 
of new lands and strange nations ; of pirates and 
buccaneers who have acquired great wealth by 
their desperate adventures on the ocean. There is 
reason to believe, from a passage in his Review, 
that he was acquainted with Dampier, a mariner, 
whose scientific skill in his profession, and power 
of literary composition were at that time rarely found 
in that profession, especially among those rough 
sons of the ocean who acknowledged no peace 
beyond the line, and had as natural an enmity 
to a South American Spaniard as a greyhound to 



a hare, and who, though distinguished by the 
somewhat milder term of buccaneer, were little 
better than absolute pirates. The English go- 
vernment, it is well known, were not, however, 
very active in destroying this class of adventurers, 
while they confined their depredations to the Dutch 
and Spaniards, and indeed seldom disturbed them 
if they returned from the roving life and sat down 
to enjoy their ill-gotten gains. The courage of 
these men, the wonderful risks they incurred, their 
hairbreadth escapes, the romantic countries through 
which they travelled, seemed to have had infinite 
charms for De Foe. All his works on this topic 
are entertaining in the highest degree, and re- 
markable for the accuracy with which he perso- 
nates the character of a buccaneering adventurer. 
De Foe's general acquaintance with nautical affairs 
has not been doubted, as he is said never to mis- 
apply the various sea phrases, or display an igno- 
rance unbecoming the character under which he 
wrote. He appears also to have been familiar with 
foreign countries, their produce, their manners, 
and government, and whatever rendered it easy or 
difficult to enter into trade with them. We may 
therefore conclude that Purchas's Pilgrims, Hakluyt's 
Voyages, and the other ancient authorities, had 
been curiously examined by him, as well as those of 
his friend Dampier, of Wafer, and others, who had 
been in the South Seas, whether as privateers, 
or, as it was then called, ' upon the account:' 

u Shylock observes, that there are land thieves and 
water thieves; and as De Foe was familiar with the 
latter, so he was not without some knowledge of the 
practices and devices of the former. We are afraid 
we must impute to his long imprisonment the op- 
portunity of becoming acquainted with the secrets 
of thieves and mendicants, their acts of plunder, 

LIFE. i 



concealment, and escape. But whatever way he 
acquired his knowledge of low life, De Foe certainly 
possessed it in the most extensive sense, and ap- 
plied it in the composition of several works of fiction 
in the style termed by the Spaniards Gusto Pica- 
rescoy of which no man was ever a greater master. 
This class of fictitious narration may be termed the 
Romance of Roguery, the subjects being the adven- 
tures of thieves, rogues, vagabonds, swindlers, vi- 
ragoes, and courtezans. The strange and black- 
guard scenes which De Foe describes, are fit to be 
compared to the Gipsy Boys of Murillo, which are 
so justly admired as being, in truth of conception 
and spirit of execution, the very chef-d'&uvre of 
art, however low and loathsome the originals from 
which they were taken. 

" A third species of composition, to which the 
author's active and vigorous genius was peculiarly 
adapted, was the account of great national convul- 
sions, whether by war, or by the pestilence, or the 
tempest. These are tales which are sure when 
even moderately well told, to arrest the attention, 
and which, narrated with that impression of reality 
which De Foe knew so well how to convey, make 
the hair bristle" and the skin creep. In this manner 
he has written the Memoirs of a Cavalier, which 
have been often read and quoted as the real pro- 
duction of a real personage. Born himself almost 
immediately after the Restoration, De Foe must 
have known many of those who had been engaged 
in the civil turmoils of 1642-6, to which the period 
of these memoirs refers. He must have lived 
among them at the age when boys, such as we con* 
ceive De Foe must necessarily have been, cling to 
the knees of those who can tell them of the darings, 
the dangers of their youth, at a period when 
their own passions and views of pressing forward 



in life have not begun to operate upon their 
minds, and while they are still pleased to listen 
to the adventures which others have encountered 
on that stage which they themselves have not yet 
entered upon. The Memoirs of a Cavalier have 
certainly been enriched by some such anecdotes 
as were likely to fire De Foe's active and powerful 
imagination, and hint to him in what colours the 
subject ought to be treated. The contrast, for in- 
stance, between the soldiers of the celebrated Tilly 
and those of the illustrious Gustavus Adolphus, 
almost seems too minutely drawn to have been ex- 
ecuted from anything short of oracular testimony. 
But De Foe's genius has shown, in this and other 
instances, how completely he could assume the cha- 
racter he describes. 

" Another species of composition, for which this 
multifarious author showed a strong predilection, 
was that upon, theurgy, magic, ghost-seeing, witch- 
craft, and the occult sciences. De Foe dwells on 
such subjects with so much unction as to leave 
little doubt that he was to a certain point a believer 
in something resembling an immediate communi- 
cation between the inhabitants of this world and of 
that which we shall in future inhabit. He is parti- 
cularly strong on the subject of secret forebodings, 
mysterious impressions, bodements of gQod or evil, 
which arise in our own mind, but which yet seem 
impressed there by some external agent, and not to 
arise from the course of our natural reflections. * 
* * The general charm attached to the romances 
of De Foe is chiefly to be ascribed to the unequalled 
dexterity with which he has given an appearance of 
reality to the incidents which he narrates. Even 
De Foe's deficiencies in style, his homeliness of lan- 
guage, his rusticity of thought, expressive of what 
is called the Crassa Minerva, seem to claim credit 




for him as one who speaks the truth, the rather 
that we suppose he wants the skill to conceal or 
disguise it. It is greatly to be doubted whether 
De Foe could have changed his colloquial, circuit- 
ous, and periphrastic style for any other, more 
coarse or more elegant. We have little doubt it 
was connected with his nature, and the particular 
turn of his thoughts and ordinary expressions, and 
that he did not succeed so much by writing in an as- 
sumed manner, as by giving full scope to his own. 
The air of writing with all the plausibility of truth 
must, in almost every case, have its own peculiar 
value ; as we admire the paintings of some Flemish 
artists, where though the subjects drawn are mean 
and disagreeable, and such as in nature we would 
not wish to study or look close upon, yet the skill 
with which they are represented by the painter 
gives an interest to the imitation upon canvass 
which the original entirely wants. But, on the 
other hand, when the power of exact and circum- 
stantial delineation is applied to objects which we 
are anxiously desirous to see in their proper shape 
and colours, we have a double source of plea- 
sure, both in the art of the painter, and in the in- 
terest which we take in the subject represented. 
Thus the style of probability with which De Foe 
invested his narrative was perhaps ill-bestowed, or 
rather wasted, upon some of the works which he 
thought proper to produce ; but, on the other 
hand, the same talent throws an air of truth about 
the delightful history of Robinson Crusoe, which 
we never could have believed it possible to have 
united with so extraordinary a situation as is as- 
signed to the hero. All the usual scaffolding and 
machinery employed in composing fictitious history 
are carefully discarded. The early incidents of 
the tale, which in ordinary works of invention 



are usually thrown out as pegs to hang the con- 
clusion upon, are in this work only touched, and 
suffered to drop out of sight. Robinson, for ex- 
ample, never hears anything more of his elder bro- 
ther, who enters Lockhart's dragoons in the begin- 
ning of the work, and who, in any common romance, 
would certainly have appeared before the conclusion. 
We lose sight at once and for ever of the inter- 
esting Xury ; and the whole earlier adventures of 
our voyager vanish, not to be recalled to our recol- 
lection by the subsequent course of the story. His 
father, the good old merchant of Hull ; all the 
other persons who have been originally active in 
the drama, vanish from the scene, and appear not 
again. This is not the case in the ordinary ro- 
mance, where the author, however luxuriant his 
invention, does not willingly quit possession of the 
creatures of his imagination till they have rendered 
him some services upon the scene ; whereas in 
common life it rarely happens that our early ac- 
quaintances exercise much influence upon the for- 
tunes of our future life." 

The popularity of De Foe as a writer, added to the 
circumstance that most of his writings appeared 
anonymously, have been the occasion of many works 
being attributed to him with which he had no con- 
cern ; some in fact that are known as the works 
of other writers, and some that are altogether dif- 
ferent, not only from his style of writing, but opposed 
to the principles which he advocated ; and others 
which by no possibility he could have written, in- 
asmuch as they relate to events and persons subse- 
quent to his decease. In the following list care 



has been taken, so far as possible, to include such 
works only as are undoubtedly from his pen. It is 
proper to mention, however, that it does not include 
the whole of what might by a minute and careful 
investigation be satisfactorily identified to him, and 
that such examination would probably displace 
some of those here inserted, and add others not 
herein mentioned. In his Appeal to Honour and 
Justice, he alludes to some of his early works, without 
giving the exact titles by which they can be dis- 
tinguished. The present list commences with the 
first work positively known to be his production. 





1. An Essay upon Projects. London : printed by 
R. R., for Thomas Cockeril, at the corner of 
Warwick-lane, near Paternoster-row. 1697. 
8vo. pp. 350. 

2. An Enquiry into the occasional Conformity of 
Dissenters in Cases of Preferment : with a 
Preface to the Lord Mayor, occasioned by his 
carrying the Sword to a Conventicle. London: 
printed An. Dom. 1697. 4to. pp. 28. 

3. Some Reflections on a Pamphlet lately pub- 
lished, entituled ' An Argument, showing that 
a Standing Army is inconsistent with a free 
Government, and absolutely destructive to the 
Constitution of the English Monarchy. Lon- 
don: published for E. Whitlock, near Sta- 
tioners'-hall. 1697. 4to. pp. 28. 

4. An Argument, showing that a Standing Army, 
with Consent of Parliament, is not inconsistent 
with a free Government, and absolutely de- 
structive to the Constitution of the English 
Monarchy. 2. Chronic, ix. 25. London : 

120 A LIST OF DE Foe's WORKS, 

printed for E. Whitlock, near Station ers'-hall. 
1698. 4to. pp. 26. 

5. The Character of Dr. Annesley, by way of 
Elegy. 1697. 

6. A new Discovery of an old Intrigue, a Satyr : 
levelled at Treachery and Ambition. Calcu- 
lated to the Nativity of the Rapparee Plot, and 
the Modesty of the Jacobite Clergy : designed 
by way of conviction to the CXVII Petitioners, 
and for the Benefit of those that study the City 
Mathematics. London. 1697. 

7. The Poor Man's Plea, in relation to all the 
Proclamations, Declarations, Acts of Parli- 
ament, &c, which have been, or shall be 
made, or published, for a Reformation of 
Manners, and suppressing Immorality in the 
Nation. London : printed in the year 1698. 
4to. pp. 31. 

8. The Pacificator: a Poem: London: printed 
and are to be sold by J. Nutt, near Stationers'- 
hall. 1700. Folio. 

9. The two Great Questions considered : — 1. 
What the French King will do with respect 
to the Spanish Monarchy? 2. What Mea- 
sures the English ought to take ? London : 
printed by R. T. for R. Baldwin, at the Bed- 
ford Arms, in Warwick-lane. 1700. 4to. 
pp. 28. 

10. The two Great Questions further considered : 
with some Reply to the Remarks. Non licet 
hominem muliebriter rixare. London. 1700. 

11. The Danger of the Protestant Religion from 
the present prospect of a Religious War in 
Europe. London. 1700. 4to. 

12. Six Distinguishing Characters of a Parliament 
Man. London. 1701. 4to. 


13. The Freeholders' Plea against Stock-jobbing 
Elections of Parliament Men. London : printed 
in the year 1701. 4to. pp. 27. 

14. The Villany of Stock-jobbers detected, and the 
Causes of the late Run upon the Bank and 
Bankers discovered and considered. London : 
printed in the year 1701. 4to. pp. 26. 

15. The True-Born Englishman : a Satyr. ' Sta- 
tuimus pacem, et securitatem, et concordiam, 
judicium et justiciam, inter Anglos et Nor- 
mandos, Francos, et Britones Wallise et Cor- 
nubiae, Pictos et Scotos Albania?, similiter 
inter Francos et Insulares Provincias et Patrias 
quae pertinent ad coronam nostram et inter 
omnes nobis subjectos, firmiter et inviolabiliter 
observari.' Charta Regis Wilhelmi Conqui- 
sitoris de pacepublica. Cap. 1. London. 1701. 
4to. pp. 60. 

16. The Succession to the Crown of England con- 
sidered. London: printed in the year 1701. 
4to. pp. S8. 

17. A Memorial from the Gentlemen Freeholders 

and Inhabitants of the Counties of , 

in behalf of themselves and many Thousands 
of the good People of England. London. 

18. History of the Kentish Petition. London. 

1701. 4to. 

19. The Original Power of the Collective Body of 
the People of England examined and asserted. 
With a double Dedication to the King, and to 
the Parliament. London. 1701. Folio. 

This tract was reprinted in 1769, by R. Baldwin in Pater- 
noster-row, with a Dedication " To the Lord Mayor (Beck - 
ford), the Aldermen, and Commons of the City of London 
and again, in 1790, by Mr. J. Walker, in his Selections from 
the Writings of De Foe. 


20. The Present State of Jacobitism considered, in 
Two Queries : — 1 . What Measures the French 
King will take with respect to the Person and 
Title of the P. P. of Wales ? 2. What the 
Jacobites in England ought to do on the same 
Account? London. 1701. 4to. pp. 22. 

21. Reasons against a War with France: or, an 
Argument, showing that the French King's 
owning the Prince of Wales as King of Eng- 
land, Scotland, and Ireland, is no sufficient 
Ground of a War. London : printed in the 
year 1701. 4 to. pp. 30. 

22. A Letter to Mr. How, by way of Reply to his 
Considerations of the Preface to an Enquiry 
into the occasional Conformity of Dissenters. 
London. 1701. 4to. 

23. Legion's New Paper ; being a second Memo- 
rial to the Gentlemen of a late House of Com- 
mons. With Legion's humble Address to his 
Majesty. London : printed and sold by the 
Booksellers of London and Westminster. 1702. 
4to. pp. 20. 

24. The Mock Mourners : a Satyr, by way of Elegy 
on King William. By the Author of 6 The 
True-Born Englishman.' London : printed in 
the year 1702. 4to. 

Reprinted in ' Poems on Affairs of State.' 

25. The Spanish Descent ; a Poem. London. 

1702. 4to. 

26. A New Test of the Church of England's 
Loyalty ; or, Whiggish Loyalty and Church 
Loyalty compared. Printed in the year 1702. 

27. An Enquiry into occasional Conformity, show- 
ing that the Dissenters are no ways concerned 
in it. London. 1702. 4to. 


28. Reformation of Manners ; a Satyr, 1 Vse vobis 
hypocritae.' Printed in the year 1702. 4to. 
pp. 64. 

29. The Shortest Way with the Dissenters; or, 
Proposals for the Establishment of the Church. 
London: printed in the year 1702. 4to. 
pp. 29. 

30. A Brief Explanation of a late Pamphlet, en- 
tituled, ' The Shortest Way with the Dissenters.' 
London : printed in the year 1 703. 4to. 

31. A Hymn to the Pillory. London: printed in 
the year 1703. 4to. pp. 24. 

32. More Reformation, a Satyr upon Himself. By 
the Author of ( The True-Born Englishman.' 
London : printed in the year 1703. 4to. 
pp. 52. 

33. The Shortest Way to Peace and Union. By 
the Author of ' The Shortest Way with the 
Dissenters.' London: printed in the year 
1703. 4to. pp. 26. 

34. A True Collection of the Writings of the Au- 
thor of ' The True-Born Englishman.' Cor- 
rected by Himself. London : printed and are 
to be sold by most Booksellers in London and 
Westminster. 1703. 8vo. pp. 465. 

The following pieces are contained in it : — 1 . The True- 
Born Englishman. 2. The Mock Mourners. 3. Reformation 
of Manners. 4. Character of Dr. Annesley. 5. The Spanish 
Descent. 6. Original Power of the People of England. 7. 
The Freeholders' Plea against Stock-jobbing Elections of Par- 
liament Men. 8. Reasons against a War with France. 9. 
An Argument, showing that a Standing Army, with Consent of 
Parliament, is not inconsistent with a Free Government, &c 
10. The Danger of the Protestant Religion from the present 
Prospect of a Religious War in Europe. 11. The Villany of 
Stock-jobbers detected. 12. Six Distinguishing Characters of 
a Parliament Man. 13. Poor Man's Plea. 14. Enquiry into 
occasional Conformity ; with a Preface to Mr. How. 15. 
Letter to Mr. How. 16. Two Great Questions considered. 


17. Two Great Questions further considered. 18. Enquiry 
into Occasional Conformity, showing that the Dissenters are 
noways concerned in it. 19. A New Test of the Church of 
England's Loyalty. 20. The Shortest Way with the Dis- 
senters. 21. A brief Explanation of a late Pamphlet, entituled, 
6 The Shortest Way with the Dissenters.' 22. The Shortest 
Way to Peace and Union. A second edition of this volume, 
with some additions, was printed in 1705. 

35. King William's Affection to the Church of 
England examined. London : printed in the 
year 1703. 4to. pp. 26. 

36. The Sincerity of the Dissenters vindicated 
from the Scandal of occasional Conformity ; 
with some Considerations on a late Book, en- 
tituled ' Moderation a Virtue.' London : 
printed in the year 1703. 4to. pp. 27. 

37. A Challenge of Peace, addressed to the whole 
nation : with an Inquiry into the Ways and 
Means of bringing it to pass. London: printed 
in the year 1703. pp. 24. 

38. Peace without Union. By way of reply to sir 

H. M 's Peace at Home. London : printed 

in the year 1703. 4to. 

39. Original Right ; or the Reasonableness of Ap- 
peals to the People. Being an Answer to the 
first chapter in Dr. Davenant's Essays, entituled, 
4 Peace at Home and War Abroad'. Printed 
and sold by R. Baldwin, near the Oxford Arms 
in Warwick -lane. London: 1704. 4to. pp. 

40. Dissenter's Answer to the High Church Chal- 
lenge. London : printed in the year 1704. 
4to. pp. 55. 

4 1 . The Christianity of the High Church considered. 
Dedicated to a Noble Peer. London : printed 
in the year 1704. 4to. pp. 20. 

42. Royal Religion ; being some Inquiry after the 
Piety of Princes, with remarks on a book, en- 


tituled, A Form of Prayers used by king Wil- 
liam. London: printed in the year 1704. 4to. 
pp. 27. 

43. Essay upon the Regulation of the Press. Lon- 
don: 1704. 

44. The Liberty of Episcopal Dissenters in Scot- 
land truly stated. London : printed in the 
year 1704. 

45. The Parallel, or Persecution of Protestants the 
Shortest Way to prevent the Growth of Popery 
in Ireland. London: 1704. 

46. A serious Inquiry into this grand Question, 
whether a Law to prevent the occasional Con- 
formity of Dissenters would not be inconsistent 
with the Act of Toleration, and a Breach of 
the Queen's Promise? London: 1704. 4to. 

47. More Short Ways with the Dissenters. London : 

1704. 4to. pp. 24. 

48. The Dissenters Misrepresented and Represented. 
London: 1704. 4to. 

49. The Protestant Jesuit Unmasked ; in answer to 
the Two Parts of Cassandra; wherein the 
author and his libels are laid open, with the 
true reason why he would have the Dissenters 
humbled. London: 1704. 

50. A new Test of the Church of England's Honesty. 
London: 1704. 4to. pp. 24. 

51. The Storm; or a Collection of the most re- 
markable Casualties and Disasters which hap- 
pened in the late dreadful Tempest, both by 
Sea and Land. The Lord hath his way in the 
whirlwind and in the storm, and the clouds are 
the dust of his feet Nehemiah i. 3. London: 
printed for S. Sawbridge, in Little Britian, and 
sold by J. Nutt, near Stationers'-hall. 1704. 
8vo. pp. 272. 

Later editions are entituled : A Collection of the most re- 


markable Casualties and Disasters which happened in the late 
dreadful Tempest, both by Sea and Land, on Friday, Novem- 
ber 26th, 1703. To which are added several very surprising 
deliverances ; the natural causes and origin of winds ; of the 
opinion of the ancients that this island was more subject to 
storms than any other part of the world. With several other 
curious observations upon the storm. The whole divided into 
chapters, under proper heads. The Second Edition. London : 
printed for Geo. Sawbridge, at the Three Golden Fleur-de-Lis, 
in Little Britain, and J. Nutt, in the Savoy. Price, bound, 
3s. 6d. The matter in both editions is precisely the same. 

52. Elegy on the author of The True-Born Eng- 
lishman. With an essay on the late Storm. 
By the author of the Hymn to the Pillory. 
London: 1704. 4to. pp. 56. 

53. A Hymn to Victory. London : printed for J. 
Nutt, near Stationers'-hall, 1704. 4to. pp. 52. 

54. An Inquiry into the Case of Mr. Asgill's Gene- 
ral Translation ; showing that it is not a nearer 
Way to Heaven than the Grave. By the Author 
of The- True Born Englishman. And for this 
cause God shall send them strong delusions. 
2 Thess. ii. 11. London : printed and sold by 
J. Nutt, near Stationers'-hall. 1704. 8vo. 
pp. 48. 

55. Giving Alms no Charity, and Employing the 
Poor a Grievance to the Nation. Being an 
Essay upon this great Question, whether Work- 
houses, Corporations, and Houses of Correction 
for Employing the Poor, as now practised in 
England, or Parish-stocks, as proposed in a 
late pamphlet, entituled A Bill for the Better 
Relief, Employment, and Settlement of the 
Poor, &c, are not mischievous to the Nation ; 
tending to the Destruction of our Trade, and to 
increase the Number and Misery of the Poor. 
Addressed to the Parliament of England. Lon- 
don : printed and sold by the Booksellers of 
London and Westminster. 1704. 8vo. pp. 28. 


56. A Review of the Affairs of France, and of all 
Europe, as influenced by that nation ; being 
Historical Observations on the Public Trans- 
actions of the World, purged from the Errors 
and Partiality of News-writers and petty States- 
men of all sides. With an entertaining Part 
in every Sheet, being Advice from the Scandal 
Club to the curious Inquirers ; in Answer to 
Letters sent them for that purpose. London : 
printed in the year 1705. 4to. pp. 456. 

57. The Double Welcome to the Duke of Marlbo- 
rough. By the Author of The True-Born 
Englishman. London : printed for Benjamin 
Bragge, in Ave Maria lane, Ludgate-street. 
1705. 4to. 

58. Party Tyranny ; or, an Occasional Bill in Mi- 
niature ; as now practised in Carolina. Humbly 
offered to the Consideration of both Houses 
of Parliament. London : printed in the year 
1705. 4to. pp. 30. 

59. Advice to all Parties. By the Author of The 
True-Born Englishman. London: printed and 
are to be sold by Benj. Bragge, at the Blue 
Ball, in Ave Maria lane. 1705. Price 6d. 
4to. pp. 24. 

60. Writings of the Author of The True-Born Eng- 
lishman (a second Volume of); some whereof 
never before published. Corrected and en- 
larged by the Author. 1 705. The following 
are the pieces in this Volume: — 1. A New 
Discovery of an old Intrigue. 2. More Refor- 
mation. 3. An Elegy on the Author of The 
True-Born Englishman. 4. The Storm, an 
Essay. 5. A Hymn to the Pillory. 6. A 
Hymn to Victory. 7. The Pacificator. 8. 
The Double Welcome to the Duke of Marlbo- 
rough. 9. The Dissenter's Answer to the 


High Church Challenge. 10. A Challenge of 
Peace to the whole Nation. 11. Peace without 
Union. 12. More Short Ways. 13. A new 
Test of the Church of England's Honesty. 14. 
A Serious Inquiry. 15. The Dissenter Mis- 
represented, and Represented. 16. The Pa- 
rallel. 17. Giving Alms no Charity. 18. 
Eoyal Religion. 
A third edition, or perhaps the remainder of the impressions 
of the first, was published in 1710, with the addition of a key 
to many of the names. They were sold by John Morphew,. 
near Stationers'-hall, price 12s. 

61. The Consolidator ; or, Memoirs of Sundry 
Transactions from the World in the Moon. 
Translated from the Lunar language, by the 
Author of The True-Born Englishman. Lon- 
don : printed and are to be sold by Benjamin 
Bragge, at the Blue Ball, in Ave Maria lane. 
1705. 8vo. pp. 360. 

62. The Experiment ; or, the Shortest Way with 
the Dissenters Exemplified. Being the Case 
of Mr. Abraham Gill, a Dissenting Minister of 
the Isle of Ely ; and a full account of his being 
sent for a soldier, by Mr. Fern (an ecclesiasti- 
cal Justice of the Peace) and other Conspirators. 
To the eternal Honour of the Temper and 
Moderation of High Church Principles. Hum- 
bly dedicated to the Queen. London : printed 
and sold by B. Bragge, at the Blue Ball, in 
Ave Maria lane. 1705. 4to. pp. 58. 

The remaining copies of this tract were sent forth in 1707, 
with the following new title : The Modesty and Sincerity of 
those worthy Gentlemen, commonly called High Churchmen, 
Exemplified in a Modern Instance. Most humbly dedidated 
to her Majesty, and her High Court of Parliament. London: 
printed and sold by B. Bragge, in Paternoster-row. 1707. 

63. The Dyet of Poland ; a Satyr. Printed at 
Dantzick in the year 1705. 4to. pp. 60. 


64. High Church Legion; or, the Memorial Ex- 
amined ; being a new Test of Moderation, as 
it is recommended to all that love the Church 
of England and the Constitution. London : 
printed in the year 1705. 4to. pp. 21. 

65. A Declaration without Doors. By the Author 
of The True-Born Englishman. Sold by the 
Booksellers of London and Westminster. 1 705. 

66. An Answer to Lord Haversham's Speech. 
London. 1705. 4to. 

67. A Reply to a Pamphlet called The Lord Ha- 
versham's Vindication of his Speech, &c. By 
the Author of the Review. London : printed 
in the year 1706. 4to. pp. 32. 

68. A True Relation of the Apparition of one Mrs. 
Veal, the next day after her death, to one Mrs. 
Bargrave at Canterbury, the 8th of September, 
1705. Which Apparition recommends the 
Perusal of Drelincourt's Book of Consolations 
against the Fear of Death. London. 1705. 4to. 

69. A Review of the Affairs of France ; with Ob- 
servations on Transactions at Home. Vol. II. 
London: printed in the year 1705. 4to. pp. 

70. Hymn to Peace ; occasioned by the Two Houses 
joining in one Address to the Queen. By the 
Author of The True-Born Englishman. Lon- 
don : printed for John Nutt, near Stationers'- 
hall. 1706. 4to. pp. 60. 

71. Remarks on the Bill to prevent Frauds com- 
mitted by Brankrupts ; with Observations on 
the Effect it may have upon Trade. London : 
printed in the year 1706. 4to. pp. 29. 

72. A Preface to a New Edition of Delaune's Plea 
for the Nonconformists. London. 1706. 

73. A Sermon preached by Mr. Daniel De Foe, on 

LIFE. k 



the Fitting-up of Dr. Burgess's late Meeting- 
house. Taken from his Review of Thursday, 
20th of June, 1706. 4to. 

74. Jure Divino ; a Satyr, in 12 Books. By the 
Author of The True-Born Englishman. <0 
sanctas gentes, quibus ha?c nascuntur in hortis 
numina.' London: printed in the year 1706. 
Folio, pp. 346. Preface, xxviii. 

75. The Advantages of the Act of Security, compared 
with those of the intended Union ; founded on 
the Revolution Principles. By D. De Foe. 
London. 1706. 4to. 

76. An Essay at Removing National Prejudices 
against a Union with Scotland. To be con- 
tinued during the Treaty here. London and 
Edinburgh: printed in the year 1706. 4to. 
pp. 30. 

some Reply to Mr. H — dges, and some Authors 
who have printed their Objections against a 
Union with England. 4to. 1706. 

82. Caledonia ; a Poem in Honour of Scotland and 
the Scots Nation. In Three Parts. Edin- 
burgh: printed by the Heirs and Successors of 
Andrew Anderson, Printer to the Queen's 
Most Excellent Majesty. An. Dom. 1706. 
Folio, pp. 60. 

An 8vo. edition of this work was printed in London in the 
following year, and another in 1748. 

83. The Dissenters in England Vindicated from 
some Reflections in a late Pamphlet, called, 
' Lawful Prejudices,' &c. London. 1707. 

84. The Dissenters Vindicated ; or a Short View 


Part II. 
- III. 

IV.; with 


PartV. 1706. 
— VI. 1707. 



of the Present State of the Protestant Religion 
in Britain, as it is now professed in the Epis- 
copal Church of England, the Presbyterian 
Church in Scotland, and the Dissenters in 
both. In answer to some Reflections in Mr. 
Webster's Two Books published in Scotland. 
London: printed in the year 1707. 8vo. 
pp. 48. 

85. A Voice from the South ; or, an Address from 
some Protestant Dissenters in England to the 
Kirk of Scotland. 1707. 4to. 

86. Two Great Questions considered with regard 
to the Union. 1707. 

87. The Quaker's Sermon on the Union. Being 
the only Sermon preached by that sort of 
People on that Subject. London. 1707. 

88. A Review of the State of the English Nation, 
Vol. III. London : printed in the year 1706. 
4to. pp. 688. 

89. The Union Proverb. 

If Skiddaw has a cap, 
Scruffel wots full well of that. 

Setting forth — 1. The Necessity of Uniting. 
2. The good Consequences of Uniting. 3. 
The Happy Union of England and Scotland, 
in case of a Foreign Invasion. < Felix quern 
faciunt aliena pericula cantum.' 4to. 1708. 

90. A Review of the State of the British Nation. 
Vol. IV. London : printed in the year 1708. 
4to. pp. 700. 

91. The Scots Narrative examined; or, the Case 
of the Episcopal Ministers in Scotland stated, 
and the late treatment of them in the City of 
Edinburgh inquired into. With a brief Ex- 
amination into the Reasonableness of the 
grievous Complaint of Persecution in Scotland, 
and a Defence of the Magistrates of Edinburgh 




in their Proceedings there. Being some Re- 
marks on a late Pamphlet, entituled 6 A Narra- 
tive of the late Treatment of the Episcopal 
Ministers within the City of Edinburgh,' &c. 
London: printed in the year 1709. 4to. pp. 
41. Postscript x. 

92. The History of the Union of Great Britain. 
Edinburgh : printed by the Heirs and Suc- 
cessors of Andrew Anderson, Printer to the 
Queen's Most Excellent Majesty. An. Dom. 
1709. Folio, pp. 685. Preface xxxii. 

Reprinted in 1712, and again in 1786. 

93. An Answer to a Paper concerning Mr. De Foe, 
against the History of the Union. Edinburgh. 
1709. 4to. 

A single sheet. 

94. A Reproof to Mr. Clark, and a brief Vindica- 
tion of Mr. De Foe. Edinburgh. 1 709. 

A single sheet. 

95. A Review of the State of the British Nation. 
Vol. V. London: printed in the year 1709. 
4to. pp. 632. 

96. A Letter from Captain Tom to the Mob now 
raised by Dr. SacheverelL London : J. Baker. 

97. Instructions from Rome, in favour of the Pre- 
tender. Inscribed to the most elevated Don 
Sacheverellio, and his brother Don Higginisco ; 
and which all Perkinites, Nonjurors, High- 
fliers, Popish Desirers, Wooden-shoe Admirers, 
and absolute Non-resistance Drivers, are obliged 
to pursue and maintain, under pain of his Un- 
holiness's Damnation, in order to carry on 
their intended Subversion of a Government 
fixed upon Revolution Principles. London: 


J. Baker. Registered in the Stationers'-hall 
Book. 1710. 8vo. 

98. A Review of the British Nation. Vol. VI. 
London: printed in the year 1710. 4to. 
pp. 600. 

99. An Essay upon Public Credit. Being an In- 
quiry how the Public Credit came to depend 
upon the Change of the Ministry, or the Dis- 
solutions of Parliaments ; and whether it does 
so, or no? With an Argument proving that 
the Public Credit may be upheld and main- 
tained in this Nation, and perhaps brought to a 
greater height than it ever yet arrived at, 
though all the changes or dissolutions already 
made, pretended to, and now discoursed of, 
should come to pass in the world. London. 
1710. 8vo. 

1 00. An Essay upon Loans ; or an Argument, 
proving that substantial Funds, settled by 
Parliament, with the Encouragement of In- 
terests, and the Advances of prompt Payment 
usually allowed, will bring in Loans of Money 
to the Exchequer, in spite of all the Con- 
spiracies of Parties to the contrary ; while a 
just, honourable, and punctual Performance 
on the part of the Government, supports the 
Credit of the Nation. By the Author of the 
'Essay on Credit.' London. 1710. 8vo. 
pp. 27. 

101. A New Test of the Sense of the Nation. 
Being a modest Comparison between the Ad- 
dresses to the late King James and those to 
her present Majesty, in order to observe how- 
far the Sense of the Nation may be judged 
of by either of them. London: printed in 
the year 1710. 8vo. pp. 9L 

102. A Word against a New Election ; that the 


People of England may see the happy Differ- 
ence between English Liberty and French 
Slavery, and may consider well before they 
make the Exchange. Printed in the year 
1710. 8vo. pp. 23. 

103. A Review of the State of the British Nation. 
Vol. VII. London : printed in the year 1711. 
4to. pp. 620. 

104. An Essay on the South Sea Trade ; with an 
Inquiry into the Grounds and Reasons of 
the present Dislike and Complaints against 
the Settlement of a South Sea Company. 
By the Author of the < Review.' London. 
1710. 8vo. 

105. Eleven Opinions about Mr. H y; with 

Observations. London : printed for J. Baker. 
17 LI. 8vo. pp. 89. 

106. An Essay at a Plain Exposition of that diffi- 
cult phrase : ' A Good Peace.' Printed for 
J.Baker. 1711. 8 vo. pp. 52. 

107. The Felonious Treaty ; or, an Inquiry into 
the Reasons which moved his late Majesty 
king William, of glorious Memory, to enter 
into a Treaty at two several times with the 
King of France for the Partition of the Spa- 
nish Monarchy. With an Essay proving that 
it was always the Sense, both of king William 
and of all the Confederates, and even of the 
Grand Alliance itself, that the Spanish Mo- 
narchy should never be united in the Person 
of the Emperor. By the Author of the ' Re- 
view.' London : printed and sold by J. 
Baker. 1711. Price 6d. 8vo. pp. 48. 

108. An Essay on the History of Parties and Per- 
secution in Britain : beginning with a brief 
Account of the Test Act, and an Historical 
Inquiry into the Reasons, the Original, and 



the Consequences of the occasional Conformity 
of Dissenters ; with some Remarks on the se- 
veral Attempts already made and now making 
for an Occasional Bill ; inquiring how far the 
same may be esteemed a Preservation to the 
Church, or an Injury to the Dissenters. 
London: printed for J. Baker. 1711. 8vo. 
pp. 48. 

109. The Conduct of Parties in England, more 

especially of those Whigs who now appear 
against the New Ministry and a Treaty of 
Peace. Printed in the year 1712. 8vo. 
pp. 62. 

110. The present State of Parties in Great Britain, 
particularly an Inquiry into the State of the 
Dissenters in England, and the Presbyterians 
in Scotland ; their Religious and Political 
Interest considered, as it respects their Cir- 
cumstances before and since the late Acts 
against occasional Conformity in England ; 
and for Toleration of Common Prayer in 
Scotland. 1712. London : printed and sold 
by J. Baker, in Paternoster-row. Price 5s. 
8vo. pp. 352. 

111. A Review of the State of the British Nation. 
Vol. VIII. London : printed in the year 
1712. 4to. pp. 848. 

112. A Seasonable Caution and Warning against the 
Insinuations of Papists and Jacobites in favour 
of the Pretender. London: 1712. 8vo. 

113. An Answer to the Question that Nobody 
thinks of, viz., But what if the Queen should 
die ? London : printed for J. Baker. 1713. 
8vo. pp. 44. 

114. Reasons against the Succession of the House 
of Hanover, with an Inquiry how far the 
Abdication of King James, supposing it to 


be legal, ought to affect the Person of the 
Pretender. 6 Si populus vult decepi, deci- 
piatur.' London : printed for J. Baker, 
1713. 8vo. pp. 45. 

115. And what if the Pretender should come? or, 
some Considerations of the Advantages and 
real Consequences of the Pretender's possess- 
ing the Crown of Great Britain. London : 
printed for J. Baker. 1713. 8vo. 

116. A Review of the State of the British Nation. 
Vol. IX. London: printed in the year 1713. 

117. An Essay on the Treaty of Commerce with 
France ; with necessary Expositions. Prov. 
xviii. 12. London: printed for J. Baker. 
1713. 8vo. pp. 44. 

118. A General History of Trade; and especially 
considered as it respects the British Com- 
merce, as well at Home as to all Parts of the 
World ; with Essays upon the Improvement 
of our Trade in particular. To be continued 
monthly. 1st August, 1713. 8vo. Price 6d. 
J. Baker. 

119. A General History of Trade; and especially 
considered as it respects the British Com- 
merce, as well at Home as to all Parts of the 
World : with a Discourse of the Use of Har- 
bours and Roads for Shipping, as it relates 
particularly to the filling up the Harbour of 
Dunkirk. This for the month of July. 15th 
August, 1713. 8vo. Price 6d. 

120. Whigs turned Tories ; and Hanoverian Tories, 
from their avowed Principles, proved Whigs ; 
or, each side in the other mistaken ; being a 
plain Proof that each Party deny that Charge 
which the others bring against them ; and 
that neither side will disown those which the 
others profess ; with an earnest Exhortation 


to all Whigs, as well as Hanoverian Tories, 
to lay aside those uncharitable Heats among 
such Protestants, and seriously to consider, 
and effectually to provide against those Jaco- 
bite, Popish, and Conforming Tories, whose 
principal Ground of Hope to ruin all sincere 
Protestants, is from those unchristian and vio- 
lent Feuds among ourselves. London: printed 
for J. Baker. 1713. 8vo. 

121. A Letter to the Dissenters. London: sold 
by John Morphew, near Stationer's-hall. 
1714. Price 6d. 8vo. 

122. The Remedy worse than the Disease ; or, 
Reasons against passing the Bill for prevent- 
ing the Growth of Schism ; to which is 
added, a brief Discourse on Toleration and 
Persecution, showing their unavoidable effects, 
good or bad ; and proving that neither Di- 
versity of Religion, nor Diversity in the same 
Religion, are dangerous, much less inconsist- 
ent with good Government ; in a Letter to a 
Noble Earl. 6 Haec sunt enim fundamenta 
firmissima nostras libertatis, sui quemque 
juris et retinendi et dimittendi esse domi- 
num.' Cicer. in Orat. pro Balbo. London: 
printed for J. Baker. 1714. 8vo. pp. 48. 

123. Advice to the People of Great Britain with 
respect to Two important Points of their fu- 
ture Conduct. 1. What they ought to expect 
from the King. 2. How they ought to be- 
have to him. London : printed for J. Baker, 
in Paternoster-row. 1714. Price 6d. 

124. The Secret History of the White Staff; 
being an Account of Affairs under the Con- 
duct of several late Ministers, and of what 
might probably have happened, if her Ma- 


jesty had not died. London: J. Baker. 1714. 
8vo. pp. 71. 

125. The Secret History of the White Staff; being 
an Account of Affairs under the Conduct of 
several late Ministers, and of what might 
probably have happened, if her Majesty had 
not died. London : J. Baker. Part II. 

126. Part III. 1715. 

127. A Reply to a traitorous Libel, entituled 

6 English Advice to the Freeholders of Great 
Britain.' London : printed for J. Baker. 
1715. 8vo. pp. 40. 

128. A Hymn to the Mob. London : printed and 
sold by S. Popping, in Paternoster-row. 1715. 
8vo. pp. 40. 

129. Appeal to Honour and Justice, though it be 
of his worst Enemies ; by Daniel De Foe ; 
being a true Account of his Conduct in Public 
Affairs. Jeremiah xvii. 18. London: printed 
for J. Baker. 1715. 8vo. pp. 58. 

130. The Family Instructor; in Three Parts; 
with a Recommendatory Letter by the Rev. 
S. Wright. London : sold by Emanuel Mat- 
thews, at the Bible, in Paternoster-row ; and 
John Button, in Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 1715. 
12mo. pp. 444. 

131. A Friendly Epistle by way of Reproof, from 
one of the People called Quakers, to Thomas 
Bradbury, a Dealer in many Words. Lon- 
don : printed and sold by S. Keimer, at the 
Printing Press, in Paternoster -row. 1715. 
8vo. pp. 39. 

132. A Sharp Rebuke from one of the People called 
Quakers, to Henry Sacheverell, the High 
Priest of Andrew's, Holborn. By the same 


Friend that wrote to Thomas Bradbury. 
London : S. Keimer. 1715. 8vo. pp. 35. 

133. A Seasonable Expostulation with, and Friendly 
Reproof unto, James Butler, who, by the 

Men of this World, is styled Duke of O d, 

relating to the Tumults of the People. By 
the same Friend that wrote to Thomas 
Bradbury, the Dealer in many Words, and 
Henry Sacheverell, the High Priest of An- 
drew's, Holborn. London: S. Keimer. 1715. 
8vo. pp. 31. 

134. Some Account of the Two Nights' Court 
at Greenwich ; wherein may be seen the 
Reason, Rise, and Progress of the late un- 
natural Rebellion against his Sacred Majesty 
King George, and his Government. Lon- 
don : printed for J. Baker. 1716. 8vo. 
pp. 72. 

135. Memoirs of the Church of Scotland. In Four 
Periods. 1. The Church in her Infant State, 
from the Reformation to the Queen Mary's Ab- 
dication. 2. The Church in its Growing State, 
from the Abdication to the Restoration. 3. 
The Church in its Persecuted State, from the 
Restoration to the Revolution. 4. The 
Church in its Present State, from the Revo- 
lution to the Union. With an Appendix of 
some Transactions since the Union. Lon- 
don : printed for Emanuel Matthews, at 
the Bible, and T. Warner, at the Black 
Boy, both in Paternoster-row. 1717. 8vo. 
pp. 438. 

136. The Family Instructor; in Two Parts. 1. 
Relating to Family Breaches, and their ob- 
structing Religious Duties. 2. To the great 
Mistake of mixing the Passions in the ma- 
naging and correcting of Children. With a 


great Variety of Cases relating to setting ill 
Examples to Children and Servants. Vol. II. 
London : printed for Emanuel Matthews, at 
the Bible, in Paternoster-row. 1718. 12mo. 
pp. 404. 

137. Memoirs of the Life and eminent Conduct of 
that Learned and Reverend Divine Daniel 
Williams, D. D. "With some Account of his 
Scheme for the vigorous Propagation of 
Religion, as well in England as in Scotland, 
and in several other Parts of the World. 
Addressed to Mr. Pierce. London : printed 
for E. Curll, at the Dial and Bible, against 
St. Dunstan's Church, in Fleet-street. 1718. 
Price 2s. 6d. bound. 8vo. pp. 86. 

138. A Letter to the Dissenters. London : printed 
for J. Roberts, in Warwick-lane. 1719. Price 
6d. pp. 27. 

139. A curious Oration delivered by Father An- 
drews, concerning the present great Quarrels 
that divide the Clergy of France. Translated 
from the French. By D. De F — e. London. 
1719. 8vo. 

140. The Life, and strange surprising Adventures 
of Robinson Crusoe, of York, mariner ; who 
lived Eight-and-twenty Years all alone in an 
uninhabited Island on the Coast of America, 
near the Mouth of the great River Oroono- 
que, having been cast on Shore by Shipwreck, 
wherein all the men perished but himself. 
With an Account how he was at last strangely 
delivered by Pirates. Written by Himself. 
London : printed for W. Taylor, at the Ship, 
in Paternoster-row. 1719. 8vo. pp. 364. 

141. The further Adventures of Robinson Crusoe, 
being the second and last Part of his Life ; 
and the strange surprising Accounts of his 


Travels round Three Parts of the Globe. 
Written by Himself. To which is added 
a Map of the World, in which is delineated 
the Voyages of Robinson Crusoe. London : 
printed for W. Taylor. 1719. 8vo. pp. 373. 

142. The Dumb Philosopher; or, Great Britain's 
Wonder. Containing. — I. A Faithful and 
very surprising Account of Dickory Cronke, 
a Tinner's Son, in the County of Cornwall, 
who was born Dumb, and continued so for 
fifty-eight years ; and how some days before 
he died he came to his Speech ; with Memoirs 
of his Life and the Manner of his Death. II. 
A Declaration of his Faith and Principles in 
Religion, with a Collection of Select Medita- 
tions composed in his Retirement. III. His 
Prophetical Observations upon the Affairs of 
Europe, more particularly of Great Britain, 
from 1720 to 1729. The whole extracted 
from his Original Papers, and confirmed by 
unquestionable authority. To which is an- 
nexed his Elegy, written by a young Cor- 
nish Gentleman of Exeter College, in Oxford ; 
with an Epitaph by another hand. * Non 
quis, sed quid ?' London : printed by Tho- 
mas Bickerton, at the Crown, in Paternoster- 
row. 1719. Price Is. 8vo. pp. 64. 

143. The Life, Adventures, and Pyracies of the 
famous Captain Singleton, containing an Ac- 
count of his being set on Shore in the Island 
of Madagascar, his Settlement there, with a 
Description of the Place and Inhabitants ; of 
his Passage from thence in a Paraquay to the 
Main Land of Africa, with an Account of the 
Customs and Manners of the People, his great 
Deliverances from the barbarous Natives and 
wild Beasts ; of his meeting with an English- 


man, a Citizen of London, among the Indians ; 
the great Riches he acquired, and his Voyage 
home to England ; as also Captain Singleton's 
Return to Sea, with an Account of his many 
Adventures and Pyracies with the famous 
Captain Avery and others. 8vo. London : 
printed for J. Brotherton, at the Black Bull, 
in Cornhill ; T. Graves, in St. James's-street ; 
A. Dodd, at the Peacock, without Temple- 
bar; and T. Warner, at the Black Boy, in 
Paternoster-row. 1720. 8vo. pp. 360. 

144. Serious Reflections during the Life and sur- 
prising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe. With 
his Vision of the Angelic World. Written 
by Himself. London : printed for W. Tay- 
lor. 1722. 8vo. pp. 354. 

145. The History of the Life and Adventures of 
Mr. Duncan Campbell, a Gentleman who, 
though Deaf and Dumb, writes down any 
Stranger's Name at first sight, with their 
future Contingencies of Fortune. Now living 
in Exeter-court, over against the Savoy, in 
the Strand. London : printed for E. Curll, 
and sold by W. Meers, &c. 1720. 8vo. 
pp. 320. 

146. The Complete Art of Painting, a Poem ; trans- 
lated from the French of M. Du Fresnoy. 
By D. F., Gentleman. London : printed for 
T. Warner. 1720. Price Is. 8vo. pp. 54. 

147. Christian Conversation ; in Six Dialogues. 
1. Between a doubting Christian and one 
more confirmed, about Assurance. 2. Be- 
tween the same Persons, about Mortification. 
3. Between Eutocus and Fidelius, about 
Natural Things Spiritualized. 4. Between 
Simplicius and Conscius, about Union. 5. 
Between Thlipsius and Melaudius about 


Afflictions. 6. Between Athanasius and 
Bioes, about Death. By a Private Gentle- 
man. London: printed for W. Taylor. 1720. 

148. The Fortunes and Misfortunes of the famous 
Moll Flanders, who was born in Newgate, 
and during a Life of continued Variety of 
Three Score Years, besides her Childhood, 
was Twelve Years a Whore, Five Times a 
Wife (whereof once to her own Brother), 
Twelve Years a Thief, Eight Years a Trans- 
ported Felon to Virginia ; at last grew rich, 
lived honest, and died a Penitent. Written 
from her own Memorandums. London : 
printed for and sold by W. Chetwood, at 
Cato's Head, in Russell-street, Covent- 
garden ; and T. Edlin, at the Prince's Arms, 
over against Exeter Change, in the Strand. 

149. The Memoirs of a Cavalier ; or, a Military 
Journal of the Wars in Germany and the 
Wars in England from the Year 1632 to the 
Year 1648. Written above Three Score 
Years ago by an English Gentleman, who 
served first in the Army of Gustavus Adol- 
phus, the glorious King of Sweden, till his 
Death ; and after that in the royal Army of 
King Charles the First, from the beginning 
of the Rebellion to the end of that War. 
London : printed for A. Bell, at the Cross 
Keys, in Cornhill ; J. Osborn, at the Oxford 
Arms, in Lombard-street ; W. Taylor, at the 
Ship and Swan ; and T. Warner, at the Black 
Boy, in Paternoster-row. 

1 50. The History of the most remarkable Life and 
extraordinary Adventures of the truly Ho- 
nourable Colonel Jacque, vulgarly called Co- 


lonel Jack, who was born a Gentleman, put 
Apprentice to a Pickpocket, flourished Six- 
and-twenty Years as a Thief, and was then 
kidnapped to Virginia ; came back a Mer- 
chant, was five times married to four Whores, 
went into the Wars, behaved bravely, got 
Preferment, was made Colonel of a Regiment; 
returned again to England, followed the For- 
tunes of the Chevalier de St. George, was 
taken at the Preston Rebellion ; received his 
Pardon from the late King, is now at the 
Head of his Regiment, in the Service of the 
Czarina, fighting against the Turks, complet- 
ing a Life of Wonders, and resolves to die a 
General. London : printed for J. Brotherton.. 

151. A Journal of the Plague Year ; being Observ- 
ations or Memorials of the most remarkable 
Occurrences, as well Public as Private, which 
happened in London during the last great 
Visitation in 1665. Written by a Citizen 
who continued all the while in London : ne- 
ver made public before. London : printed 
for E. Nutt, at the Royal Exchange ; J. Ro- 
berts, in Warwick -lane ; A. Dodd, without 
Temple Bar ; and J. Graves, in St. James's- 
street. 1722. 8vo. pp. 287. 

The first edition. The second, published by F. and J. 
Noble, in 1754, is called 6 The History of the Great Plague in 
London in the Year 1665;' containing Observations, &c. To 
which is added 6 A Journal of the Plague at Marseilles in the 
Year 1720.' 8vo. The latter piece forms no part of De Foe's 

152. Religious Courtship: being Historical Dis- 
courses on the Necessity of marrying Religious 
Husbands and Wives only ; as also of Husbands 
and Wives being of the same Opinions in Re- 



ligion with one another. With an Appendix, 
"of the Necessity of taking none but Religious 
Servants, and a Proposal for the better managing 
of Servants. London : printed for E. Matthews, 
at the Bible, and A. Bettersworth, at the Red 
Lion, in Paternoster-row; J. Brotherton and 
W. Meadows, in Cornhill. 1722. 8vo. pp. 

153. The Fortunate Mistress ; or, A History of the 
Life and vast Variety of Fortunes of Made- 
moiselle De Beleau, afterwards called the 
Countess De Wintelsheim, in Germany ; being 
the Person known by the name of the Lady 
Roxana in the time of Charles II. London : 
printed for T. Warner, at the Black Boy in 
Paternoster-row ; W. Meadows, at the Angel 
in Cornhill; W. Pepper, at the Crown in 
Maiden-lane, Covent-garden ; S. Harding, at 
the Post House in St. Martin's-lane ; and T. 
Edin, at the Prince's Arms against Exeter 
Change, in the Strand. 1 724. 

154. A Tour through the whole Island of Great 
Britain, divided into Circuits or Journies. 
Giving a Particular and Diverting Account of 
whatever is Curious and worth Observation, 
viz: 1. A Description of the principal Cities 
and Towns, their Situation, Magnitude, Govern- 
ment, and Commerce. 2. The Customs, Man- 
ners, Speech, as also the Exercises, Diversions, 
and Employment of the Poor. 3. The Pro- 
duce and Improvement of the Lands, the 
Trade and Manufactures. 4. The Sea-ports 
and Fortifications, the Course of Rivers, and 
the Inland Navigation. 5. The public Edifices, 
Seats, and Palaces of the Nobility and Gentry : 
with useful Observations upon the whole. 
Particularly fitted for the reading of such as 

LIFE. jj 


desire to travel otfer the Island. By a Gentle- 
man. London : printed and sold by G. Strahan, 
in Cornhill ; W. Mears, at the Lamb, without 
Temple Bar; R. Franeklin, under Tom's Coffee- 
house, Covent-garden ; T. Chapman, at the 
Angel in Pall Mall ; R. Stagg, in Westminster 
Hall ; and J. Graves, in St. James's-street. 

All the subsequent editions vary considerably from the ori- 
ginal. This work is frequently confounded with John Macky's 
' Journey through England, in Familiar Letters from a gentle- 
man here to his Friend abroad. 1722. 1 

155. The Great Law of Subordination Considered ; 
or, the Insolence and unsufferable Behaviour of 
Servants in England, duly inquired into. Il- 
lustrated with a great variety of Examples, 
historical Cases, and remarkable Stories of the 
Behaviour of some particular Servants, suited 
to all the several Arguments made use of as 
they go on. In Ten Familiar Letters ; to- 
gether with a Conclusion, being an earnest and 
moving Remonstrance to the Housekeepers and 
Heads of Families in Great Britain, pressing 
them not to cease using their utmost Interest 
(especially at this J uncture) to obtain sufficient 
Laws for the effectual Regulations of the Man- 
ners and Behaviour of their Servants. As 
also, a Proposal, containing such Heads, or 
Constitutions, as would effectually answer this 
great end, and bring Servants of every Class to 
a just, and yet not a grievous Regulation. 
London : sold by S. Harding, at the Post 
House, in St. Martin's-lane, and other Book- 
sellers. 1724. 8vo. pp. 302. 

156. A Tour through the whole Island of Great 
Britain, divided into Circuits or Journies. Giving 
a Particular and Diverting Account of what- 


ever is curious and worth Observation, viz; 1. 
A Description of the principal Cities and Towns, 
their Situation, Magnitude, Government, and 
Commerce. 2. The Customs, Manners, Speech, 
as also the Exercises, Diversions, and Employ- 
ment of the Poor. 3. The Produce and Im- 
provement of the Lands, the Trade and Manu- 
factures. 4. The Sea-ports and Fortifications, 
the Course of Rivers, and the Inland Naviga- 
tion. 5. The public Edifices, Seats, and Pa- 
laces of the Nobility and Gentry ; with useful 
Observations upon the whole. Particularly 
fitted for the reading of such as desire to travel 
over the Island. With a Map of England and 
Wales by Mr. Moll. Vol. 2. By a Gentle- 
man. London: printed and sold by G. Strahan, 
in Cornhill ; W. Mears, at the Lamb, without 
Temple Bar ; R. Francklin, under Tom's Coffee- 
house, Covent-garden ; S. Chapman and J. 
Jackson, in Pall Mall; R. Stagg, in Westminster 
Hall. 1725. 

157. Everybody's Business is Nobody's Business ; 
or, Private Abuses public Grievances. Exem- 
plified in the Pride, Insolence, and exorbitant 
Wages of our Women- Servants, Footmen, &c. 
With a Proposal for Amendment of the same, 
as also, for the clearing the Streets of those 
Vermin called Shoe Cleaners, and substituting 
in their stead many Thousands of industrious 
Poor now ready to starve. With divers other 
Hints of great Use to the Public. Humbly 
submitted to the Consideration of our Legisla- 
ture, and the careful Perusal of all Masters and 
Mistresses of Families. By Andrew Moreton, 
Esq. London: printed for W. Meadows, in 
Cornhill ; and sold by T. Warner, Paternoster- 
row ; A. Dodd, without Temple Bar ; and E. 

l 2 



Nutt, at the Royal Exchange. 1725. 8vo. 
pp. 36. 

158. Mere Nature Delineated; or, a Body without 
a Soul. Being Observations upon ' The Young 
Forester,' lately brought to town from Germany: 
with suitable Applications. Also a brief Dis- 
sertation upon the Usefulness and Necessity of 
Fools, whether political or natural. London : 
printed for T. Warner, at the Black Boy, in 
Paternoster-row. 1726. Price Is. 6d. 8vo. 
pp. 323. 

159. A New Voyage round the World, by a Course 
never sailed before. Being a Voyage under- 
taken by some Merchants, who afterwards pro- 
posed the setting up an East India Company in 
Flanders. London: printed for and sold by 
A. Bettesworth, at the Red Lion, in Paternos- 
ter-row ; and W. Mears, at the Lamb, without 
Temple Bar. 1725. 

160. An Essay upon Literature; or, An Inquiry 
into the Antiquity and Origin of Letters ; 
proving that the Two Tables, written by the 
finger of God in Mount Sinai, was the first 
writing in the world ; and that all other 
Alphabets derive from the Hebrew. With a 
short View of the Methods made use of by the 
Ancients to supply the Want of Letters before, 
and impose the Use of them after they were 
known. London : printed for Thomas Bowles, 
Printseller, next to the Chapter House, St. 
Paul's Church-yard; John Clark, Bookseller, 
under the Piazza, Royal Exchange ; and John 
Bowles, Printseller, over against the Stocks 
Market. 1726. 8vo. pp. 127. 

161. The Political History of the Devil, as well 
Ancient as Modern: in two Parts. Part 1. 
Containing a state of the Devil's Circumstances, 


and the various turns of his Affairs, from his 
Expulsion out of Heaven to the Creation of 
Man ; with Remarks on the several Mistakes 
concerning the Reason and Manner of his Fall. 
Also, his Proceedings with Mankind ever since 
Adam, to the first Planting of the Christian 
Religion in the World. Part II. Containing 
his more Private Conduct, down to the present 
Time ; his Government, his Appearance, his 
Manner of Working, and the Tools he works 

Bad as he is, the devil may be abused, 
Be falsely charged and causelessly accused ; 
When men unwilling to be blamed alone, 
Shift all the crimes on him which are their own. 

London : printed for T. Warner, at the Black 
Boy in Paternoster-row. 1726. 8vo. pp. 408. 

In the second edition, published in the same year, it is called 
'The History of the Devil,' &c, but in the subsequent editions 
the original title is restored. A third edition was called for in 
1734; a fourth in 1739; another in 1770; and since then it 
has been frequently reprinted both in London and the country. 

162. The History of the Principal Discoveries and 
Improvements in the several Arts and Sciences ; 
particularly the great branches of Commerce, 
Navigation, and Plantation, in all parts of the 
known World. London : printed for W. Mears, 
at the Lamb ; F. Clay, at the Bible ; and D. 
Browne, at the Black Swan, without Temple 
Bar. 1727. 

163. A Tour through the whole Island of Great 
Britian, divided into Circuits or Journies. 
Giving a Particular and Diverting Account of 
whatever is curious and worth Observation, 
viz. 1. A Description of the principal Cities 
and Towns, their Situation, Magnitude, Go- 
vernment, and Commerce. 2. The Customs, 
Manners, Speech, as also the Exercises, Di- 


versions, and Employment of the Poor. 3. 
The Produce and Improvement of the* Lands, 
the Trade and Manufactures. 4. The Sea- 
ports and Fortifications, the Course of Rivers, 
and the Inland Navigation. 5. The public 
Edifices, Seats, and Palaces of the Nobility and 
Gentry: with useful Observations upon the 
whole. Particularly fitted for the reading of 
such as desire to travel over the Island. Vol. 
3. Which completes the work, and contains a 
Tour through Scotland, &c. With a Map of 
Scotland by Mr. Mole. By a Gentleman. 
London : printed and sold by G. Strahan, in 
Cornhill ; W. Mears, at the Lamb, without 
Temple Bar ; and R. Stagg in Westminster 
Hall. 1727. 

164. A System of Magic; or, A History of the 
Black Art. Being an Historical Account of 
Mankind's most early Dealings with the Devil, 
and how the Acquaintance on both sides first 

Our magic now commands the troops of hell, 
The devil himself submits to charm and spell. 
The conjuror in his orders and his rounds, 
Just whistles up his spirits, as men do hounds; 
The obsequious devil obeys the sorcerer's skill, 
The mill turns round the horse, that first turns round 
the mill. 

London : printed and sold by J. Roberts, in 
Warwick-lane. 1727. 8vo. pp. 403. 

165. An Essay on the History and Reality of Ap- 
paritions. Being an Account of what they are, 
and are not. As also, how we may distinguish 
between the Apparitions of Good and Evil 
Spirits, and how we ought to behave to them. 
With a great Variety of Surprising and Divert- 
ing Examples, never published before. 



By death transported to the eternal shore, 
Souls so removed revisit us no more ; 
Engrossed with joys of a superior kind, 
They leave the trifling thoughts of life behind. 

London : printed and sold by J. Roberts, in; 
Warwick-lane. J 727. 8vo. pp. 395. 

This work was issued for the third time, in 1738, with the 
following title : 'The Secrets of the Invisible World Disclosed; 
or, An Universal History of Apparitions, Sacred and Profane, 
under all Denominations, whether Angelical, Diabolical, or 
Human Souls departed, snowing — 1. Their various Returns to 
this World ; with some Rules to know, by their Manner of 
Appearing, if they are Good or Evil ones. 2. The Differences 
of the Apparitions of Ancient and Modern Times; and an 
Inquiry into the Spiritual Doctrine of Spirits. 3. The many 
Species of Apparitions, their real Existence and Operations by 
Divine Appointment. 4. The nature of seeing Ghosts before 
and after Death; and how we should behave towards them. 
5. The Effects of Fancy, Vapours, Dreams, Hyppo, and of 
real and imaginary Appearances. 6. A Collection of the most 
Authentic Relations of Apparitions, particularly that surprising 
one attested by the learned Dr. Scott. By Andrew Moreton, 
Esq. London : printed and sold by J. Roberts, in Warwick- 
lane. 1 8vo. pp. 395, It has since been reprinted in a smaller 

166. The Protestant Monastery ; or, a Complaint 
against the Brutality of the present Age, parti- 
cularly the Pertness and Insolence of our Youth 
to aged Persons. With a Caution to People 
in Years how they give the Staff out of their 
own Hands, and leave themselves at the 
Mercy of others ; concluding with a Proposal 
for erecting a Protestant Monastery, where 
Persons of small Fortunes may end their Days 
in Plenty, Ease, and Credit, without burthen- 
ing their Relations, or accepting Public Cha- 
rities. By Andrew Moreton, Esq., Author of 
' Everybody's Business is Nobody's Business.' 
London: printed for W. Meadows, at the 
Angel, in Cornhill; and other Booksellers. 
J 727. 8vo. pp. 31. 


167. Parochial Tyranny; or, the Housekeeper's 
Complaint against the insupportable Exac- 
tions and partial Assessments of Select Ves- 
tries, &c., with a plain Detection of many 
Abuses committed in the Distribution of Public 
Charities : together with a practicable Proposal 
for Amendment of the same, which will not 
only take off* great part of the Parish Taxes 
now subsisting, but ease Parishioners from 
serving troublesome offices, or paying exor- 
bitant Fines. By Andrew Moreton, Esq. 
London : printed for W. Meadows, at the 
Angel, in Cornhill ; and other Booksellers, 

168. A New Family Instructor. In Familiar Dis- 
courses between a Father and his Children, 
on the most Essential Points of the Christian 
Religion. In Two Parts. Part I. Contain- 
ing a Father's Instructions to his Son upon 
his going to Travel into Popish Countries ; 
and to the rest of his Children on his Son's 
turning Papist ; confirming them in the Pro- 
testant Religion, against the Absurdities of 
Popery. Part II. Instructions against the 
Three Grand Errors of the Times; viz. 1. 
Asserting the Divine Authority of the Scrip- 
ture against the Deists. 2. Proofs that the 
Messias is already come, &c. ; against the 
Atheists and Jews. 3. Asserting the Divin- 
ity of Jesus Christ, that He was really the 
same with the Messias, and that Messias was 
to be really God ; against our modern here- 
tics. With a Poem on the Divine Nature of 
Jesus Christ ; in Blank Verse. By the Au- 
thor of ' The Family Instructor.' London : 
printed for T. Warner, at the Black Boy, in 
Paternoster-row. 1727. 8vo. pp. 384. 



A second edition, with a varying title, was published in 1732, 
by C. Rivington and T. Warner. It is there called 6 A New 
Family Instructor : containing a Brief and Clear Defence of 
the Christian Religion in general, against the Errors of the 
Atheists, Jews, Deists, and Sceptics : and of the Protestant 
Religion in particular, against the Superstitions of the Church 
of Rome. In Familiar Discourses between a Father and his 
Children. In Two Parts, &c. 

169. A Treatise concerning the Use and Abuse of 
the Marriage Bed; showing, 1. The Na- 
ture of Matrimony, its sacred Original, and 
the true Meaning of its Institution. 2. The 
gross Abuse of Matrimonial Chastity, from 
the wrong Notions which have possessed the 
World, degenerating even to Whoredom. 3. 
The Diabolical Practice of attempting to pre- 
vent Child-bearing by Physical Preparations. 
4. The fatal Consequences of clandestine or 
forced Marriages, through the Persuasion, 
Interest, or Influence of Parents and Rela- 
tions, to wed the Person they have no Love 
for, but often an Aversion to. 5. Of unequal 
Matches as in the Disproportion of Age ; 
and how such many ways occasion a Matri- 
monial Whoredom. 6. How married Persons 
may be guilty of Conjugal Lewdness, and 
that a Man may, in effect, make a Whore of 
his own Wife. Also many other Particulars 
of Family concern. London : printed for T. 
Warner, at the Black Boy, in Paternoster- 
row. 1727. Price 5s. 8vo. pp. 406. 

This work was at first called c Conjugal Lewdness ; or, Ma- 
trimonial Whoredom but this title being considered offensive 
to delicacy, the author immediately cancelled it, and substituted 
the above title. 

170. The Complete English Tradesman: in Fami- 
liar Letters, directing him in all the seve- 
ral Parts and Professions of Trade; viz. 1. 


Of acquainting him with the Business during 
his Apprenticeship. 2. Of Writing to Cor- 
respondents in a Trading Style. 3. Of Dili- 
gence and Application, as the Life of all Bu- 
siness. 4. Cautions against Over-trading. 
5. Of the ordinary Occasions of a Trades- 
man's Ruin ; such as Expensive Living, too 
early Marrying, Innocent Diversions, too 
much Credit, being above Business, Danger- 
ous Partnerships, &c. 6. Directions in seve- 
ral Distresses of a Tradesman, when he comes 
to fail. 7. Of Tradesmen compounding with 
other Tradesmen, and why they are so parti- 
cularly severe upon one another. 8. Of 
Tradesmen ruining one another by Rumours 
and Scandal. 9. Of the customary Frauds 
of Trade, and particularly of Trading Lies. 
10. Of Credit, and how it is only to be sup- 
ported by Honesty. 11. Of Punctual Paying 
Bills, and thereby Maintaining Credit. 12. 
Of the Dignity and Honour of Trade in Eng- 
land more than in other Countries. To which 
is added, a Supplement ; containing, 1. A 
Warning against Tradesmen's borrowing Mo- 
ney upon Interest. 2. A Caution against 
that destructive Practice of Drawing and Re- 
mitting, as also Discounting Promissory Bills, 
merely for a Supply of Cash. 3. Directions 
for the Tradesman's Accounts, with brief, 
but plain Examples and Specimens for Book- 
keeping. 4. Of keeping a Duplicate or 
Pocket Ledger, in case of Fire. London : 
printed for C. Rivington, at the Bible and 
Crown, St. Paul's Church-yard. 1727. 8vo. 
pp. 474. 

171. The Complete English Tradesman, Vol. IL 
In Two Parts. Part I. Directed chiefly to 


the more experienced Tradesman ; with Cau- 
tions and Advices to them after they are 
thriven, and suppose to be grown rich, viz., 
I. Against running out of their Business into 
needless Projects and dangerous Adventures, 
no Tradesman being above Disaster. 2. 
Against Oppressing one another by Engross- 
ing, Underselling, Combinations in Trade, 
&c. 3. Advices, that when he leaves off 
Business, he should part Friends with the 
World ; the great Advantages of it ; with a 
Word of the scandalous Character of a Purse- 
proud Tradesman. 4. Against being Liti- 
gious and Vexatious, and apt to go to Law 
for Trifles ; with some Reasons why Trades- 
men's Differences should, if possible, be all 
ended by Arbitration. Part II. Being useful 
generals in Trade, describing the Principles 
and Foundation of the Home Trade of Great 
Britain ; with large Tables of our Manufac- 
tures, Calculations of the Product, Shipping, 
Carriage of Goods by Land, Importation 
from Abroad, Consumption at Home, &c., by 
all which the infinite number of our Trades- 
men are employed, and the general Wealth 
of the Nation raised and increased. The 
whole calculated for the Use of all our Inland 
Tradesmen, as well in the City as in the 
Country. London : Charles Rivington. i 727. 
8vo. pp. 474. 
172. A Plan of the English Commerce. Being a 
Complete Prospect of the Trade of this Nation, 
as well the Home Trade as the Foreign. In 
Three Parts: 1. Containing a View of the 
present Magnitude of the English Trade as it 
respects the Exportation of our own Growth 
and Manufacture. 2. The Importation of 


Merchant Goods from Abroad. 3. The pro- 
digious Consumption of both at Home. 
Part II. Containing an Answer to that great 
and important Question now depending, whe- 
ther our Trade, and especially our Manufac- 
tures, are in a declining Condition, or no ? 
Part III. Containing several Proposals, en- 
tirely new, for Extending and Improving our 
Trade, and Promoting the Consumption of 
our Manufactures in Countries wherewith we 
have hitherto had no Commerce. Humbly 
offered to the Consideration of King and Par- 
liament. London : printed for Charles Ri- 
vington. 1728. 8vo. pp. 368. 

To the second edition in 1730, were added fi An Appendix, 
containing a View of the Increase of Commerce, not only of 
England, but of all the Trading Nations of Europe since the 
Peace with Spain.' A third edition in 8vo. was printed by Ri- 
vington in 1737 ; in which it is called, by mistake, the second. 

173. Augusta Triumphans : or, the Way to make 
London the most Flourishing City in the 
Universe. 1. By establishing a University, 
where Gentlemen may have an Academical 
Education, under the Eye of their Friends. 
2. To prevent much, &c, by an Hospital for 
Foundlings. 3. By suppressing pretended 
Mad-Houses, where many of the Fair Sex 
are unjustly Confined, while their Husbands 
keep Mistresses, &c, and many Widows are 
locked up for the sake of their Jointures. 4. 
To save our Children from Destruction, by 
clearing the Streets of Impudent Strumpets, 
suppressing Gambling-Tables, and Sunday 
Debauches. 5. To avoid the expensive Im- 
portation of Foreign Musicians, by forming 
an Academy of our own. 6. To save our 
Lower Class of People from utter Ruin, and 



render them useful, by preventing the immo- 
derate use of Geneva ; with a frank Expo- 
sure of many other. common Abuses, and in- 
contestable Rules for Amendment. Conclud- 
ing with an effectual Method to prevent Street 
Robberies ; and a Letter to Colonel Robin- 
son, on account of the Orphan's Tax. Lon- 
don : printed for J. Roberts and other Book- 
sellers. 1728. 8vo. pp. 63. 
174. Second Thoughts are Best ; or, a further Im- 
provement of a late Scheme to prevent Street 
Robberies. By which our Streets will be so 
strongly guarded, and so gloriously illumin- 
ated, that any part of London will be as safe 
and pleasant at Midnight as at Noonday, and 
Burglary totally impracticable. With some 
Thoughts for suppressing Robberies in all the 
Public Roads of England, &c. Humbly offered 
for the Good of his Country, submitted to the 
Consideration of Parliament, and dedicated 
to his Sacred Majesty King George II. By 
Andrew Moreton, Esq. London: printed 
for W. Meadows, at the Angel, in Cornhill, 
and sold by J. Roberts, in Warwick -lane. 
1729. Price 6d. 8vo. pp. 24. 

Besides the above, De Foe left behind him, pre- 
pared for the press, a work on the ' Conduct of a 
Gentleman,' which is now in the possession of Daw- 
son Turner, Esq., of Yarmouth. 









" Come and let us smite him with the tongue, and let us not give 
heed to any of his words." Jeremiah, xviii. IS. 

L 0 ND 0 N: 

Printed for and Sold by J. Baker, at the Black 
Boy in Paternoster- Row. 

APPEAL, &c. 

I hope the time is come at last when the voice of ^ 
moderate principles may be heard. Hitherto the 
noise has been so great, and the prejudices and 
passions of men so strong, that it had been but in 
vain to offer at any argument, or for any man to 
talk of giving a reason for his actions ; and this 
alone has been the cause why, when other men, who, 
I think, have less to say in their own defence, are 
appealing to the public, and struggling to defend 
themselves, I alone have been silent under the In- 
finite clamours and reproaches, causeless curses, 
unusual threatenings, and the most unjust and in- 
jurious treatment in the world. 

I hear much of people's calling out to punish the 
guilty, but very few are concerned to clear the 
innocent. I hope some will be inclined to judge 
impartially, and have yet reserved so much of the 
Christian as to believe, and at least to hope, that a 
rational creature cannot abandon himself so as to 
act without some reason, and are willing not only to 
have me defend myself, but to be able to answer for 
me where they hear me causelessly insulted by 
others, and, therefore, are willing to have such just 
arguments put into their mouths as the cause will 

As for those who are prepossessed, and according 
to the modern justice of parties are resolved to be 
so, let them go ; I am not arguing with them, but 
against them; they act so contrary to justice, to 
reason, to religion, so contrary to the rules of 




Christians and of good manners, that they are not 
to be argued with, but to be exposed, or entirely 
neglected. I have a receipt against all the uneasi- 
ness which it may be supposed to give me, and that 
is, to contemn slander, and think it not worth the 
least concern ; neither should I think it worth while 
to give any answer to it, if it were not on some other 
accounts of which I shall speak as I go on. If any 
young man ask me why I am in such haste to publish 
this matter at this time, among many other good 
reasons which I could give, these are some: — 

1. I think I have long enough been made Fabula 
Vulgi, and borne the weight of general slander; and 
I should be wanting to truth, to my family, and to 
myself, if I did not give a fair and true state of my 
conduct, for impartial men to judge of, when I am no 
more in being to answer for myself. 

2. By the hints of mortality, and by the infirmi- 
ties of a life of sorrow and fatigue, I have reason to 
think I am not a great way off from, if not very near 
to, the great ocean of eternity, and the time may 
not be long ere I embark on the last voyage. 
Wherefore, I think I should even accounts with this 
world before I go, that no actions (slanders) may 
lie against my heirs, executors, administrators, and 
assigns, to disturb them in the peaceable possession 
of their father's (character) inheritance. 

3. I fear — God grant I have not a second-sight 
in it — that this lucid interval of temper and modera- 
tion, which shines, though dimly too, upon us at this 
time, will be but of short continuance, and that some 
men, who know not how to use the advantage God 
has put into their hands with moderation, will push, 
in spite of the best prince in the world, at such ex- 
travagant things, and act with such an intemperate 
forwardness, as will revive the heats and animosities 
which wise and good men were in hopes should be 



allayed by the happy accession of the king to the 

It is and ever was my opinion, that moderation 
is the only virtue by which the peace and tranquillity 
of this nation can be preserved. Even the king him- 
self — I believe his majesty will allow me that free- 
dom — can only be happy in the enjoyment of the 
crown by a moderative administration. If his ma- 
jesty should be obliged, contrary to his known dis- 
position, to join with intemperate councils, if it does 
not lessen his security, I am persuaded it will lessen 
his satisfaction. It cannot be pleasant or agreeable, 
and I think it cannot be safe, to any just prince, to 
rule over a divided people, split into incensed and 
exasperated parties. Though a skilful mariner may 
have courage to master a tempest, and goes fearless 
through a storm, yet he can never be said to delight 
in the danger ; a fresh, fair gale, and a quiet sea, is 
the pleasure of his voyage, and we have a saying 
worth notice to them that are otherwise minded, 
Qui amat periculum, periebat in illo. 

To attain at the happy calm, which, as I say, is 
the safety of Britain, is the question which should 
now move us all ; and he would merit to be called 
the nation's physician that could prescribe the 
specific for it. I think I may be allowed to say, a 
conquest of parties will never do it ; a balance of 
parties may. Some are for the former ; they talk 
high of punishments, letting blood, revenging the 
treatment they have met with, and the like. If 
they, not knowing what spirit they are of, think this 
the course to be taken, let them try their hands ; 
I shall give them up for lost, and look for their 
downfall from that time; for the ruin of all such 
tempers slumbereth not. 

It is many years that I have professed myself an 
enemy to all precipitations in public administrations; 

m 2 



and often I have attempted to show, that hot councils 
have ever been destructive to those who have made 
use of them. Indeed, they have not always been a 
disadvantage to the nation, as in king James II.'s 
reign, when, as I have often said in print, his preci- 
pitation was the safety of us all : and if he had pro- 
ceeded temperately and politicly, we had been un- 
done. Felix quern faciunt. 

But these things have been spoken when your 
ferment has been too high for anything to be heard ; 
whether you will hear it now or no, I know not ; 
and therefore it was that I said, I fear the present 
cessation of party arms will not hold long. These 
are some of the reasons why I think this is the 
proper juncture for me to give some account of 
myself, and of my past conduct to the world ; and 
that I may do this as effectually as I can, being 
perhaps never more to speak from the press, I 
shall, as concisely as I can, give an abridgment of 
my own history during the few unhappy years I 
have employed myself, or been employed, in public 
in the world. 

Misfortunes in business having unhinged me from 
matters of trade, it was about the year 1694 when I 
was invited by some merchants, with whom I had 
corresponded abroad, and some also at home, to 
settle at Cadiz, in Spain, and that with offers of very 
good commissions. But Providence, which had 
other work for me to do, placed a secret aversion in 
my mind to quitting England upon any account, and 
made me refuse the best offers of that kind, to be 
concerned with some eminent persons at home in 
proposing ways and means to the government, for 
raising money to supply the occasions of the war 
then newly begun. Some time after this I was, 
without the least application of mine, and being then 
seventy miles from London, sent for to be accountant 


to the commissioners of the glass duty, in which 
service I continued to the determination of their 

During this time there came out a vile abhorred 
pamphlet in very ill verse, written by one Mr. 
Tutchin, and called The Foreigners, in which the 
author — who he was I then knew not — fell personally 
upon the king himself, and then upon the Dutch 
nation ; and after having reproached his majesty 
with crimes that his worst enemy could not think of 
without horror, he sums up all in the odious name 


This filled me with a kind of rage against the 
book, and gave birth to a trifle, which I never could 
hope should have met with so general an acceptation 
as it did ; I mean The True-born Englishman. 
How this poem was the occasion of my being known 
to his majesty ; how I was afterwards received by 
him ; how employed ; and how, above my capacity 
of deserving, rewarded, is no part of the present case, 
and is only mentioned here, as I take all occasions 
to do, for the expressing the honour I ever preserved 
for the immortal and glorious memory of that greatest 
and best of princes, and whom it was my honour 
and advantage to call master, as well as sovereign ; 
whose goodness to me I never forgot, neither can 
forget ; and whose memory I never patiently heard 
abused, nor ever can do so ; and who, had he lived, 
would never have suffered me to be treated as I have 
been in the world. But Heaven for our sins removed 
him in judgment. How far the treatment he met 
with from the nation he came to save, and whose 
deliverance he finished, was admitted by Heaven to 
be a means of his death, I desire to forget for their 
sakes who are guilty ; and if this calls any of it to 
mind, it is mentioned to move them to treat him 
better who is now, with like principles of goodness 



and clemency, appointed by God and the constitu- 
tion to be their sovereign, lest He that protects 
righteous princes avenge the injuries they receive 
from an ungrateful people by giving them up to the 
confusions their madness leads them to. 

And in their just acclamations at the happy ac- 
cession of his present majesty to the throne, I cannot 
but advise them to look back and call to mind who 
it was that first guided them to the family of Hanover, 
and to pass by all the popish branches of Orleans 
and Savoy ; recognising the just authority of parlia- 
ment in the undoubted right of limiting the succes- 
sion, and establishing that glorious maxim of our 
settlement, viz., that it is inconsistent with the con- 
stitution of this protestant kingdom to be governed 
by a popish prince. I say, let them call to mind 
who it was that guided their thoughts first to the 
protestant race of our own kings in the house of 
Hanover ; and that it is to king William, next to 
Heaven itself, to whom we owe the enjoying a pro- 
testant king at this time. I need not go back to the 
particulars of his majesty's conduct in that affair ; 
his journey in person to the country of Hanover and 
the court of Zell ; his particular management of the 
affair afterwards at home, perfecting the design by 
naming the illustrious family to the nation, and 
bringing about a parliamentary settlement to effect 
it ; entailing the crown thereby in so effectual a 
manner as we see has been sufficient to prevent the 
worst designs of our Jacobite people in behalf of the 
pretender; a settlement, together with the subse- 
quent acts which followed it, and the Union with 
Scotland, which made it unalterable, that gave a 
complete satisfaction to those who knew and under- 
stood it, and removed those terrible apprehensions 
of the pretender (which some entertained) from the 
minds of others, who were yet as zealous against 



him as it was possible for any to be. Upon this 
settlement, as I shall show presently, I grounded 
my opinion, which I often expressed, viz., that I did 
not see it possible the Jacobities could ever set up 
their idol here, and I think my opinion abundantly 
justified in the consequences ; of which by and by. 

This digression, as a debt to the glorious me- 
mory of king William, I could not in justice omit ; 
and as the reign of his present majesty is esteemed 
happy, and looked upon as a blessing from heaven 
by us, it will most necessarily lead us to bless the 
memory of king William, to whom we owe so much 
of it. How easily could his majesty have led us to 
other branches, whose relation to the crown might 
have had large pretences ! What prince but would 
have submitted to have educated a successor of his 
race in the protestant religion for the sake of such 
a crown ? But the king, who had our happiness in 
view, and saw as far into it as any human sight 
could penetrate ; who knew we were not to be go- 
verned by inexperienced youths ; that the protest- 
ant religion was not to be established by political 
converts ; and that princes, under French influ- 
ence, or instructed in French politics, were not pro- 
per instruments to preserve the liberties of Britain, 
fixed his eyes upon the family which now possesses 
the crown, as not only having an undoubted rela- 
tion to it by blood, but as being first and principally 
zealous and powerful asserters of the protestant 
religion and interest against popery ; and, secondly, 
stored with a visible succession of worthy and pro- 
mising branches, who appeared equal to the weight 
of government, qualified to fill a throne and guide 
a nation, which, without reflection, are not famed 
to be the most easy to rule in the world. 

Whether the consequence has been a credit to 
king William's judgment I need not say. I am 



not writing panegyrics here, but doing justice to 
the memory of the king my master, whom I have 
had the honour very often to hear express himself 
with great satisfaction in having brought the settle- 
ment of the succession to so good an issue ; and, to 
repeat his majesty's own words, that he knew no 
prince in Europe so fit to be king of England as the 
elector of Hanover. I am persuaded, without any 
flattery, that if it should not every way answer the 
expectations his majesty had of it, the fault will be 
our own. God grant the king may have more com- 
fort of his crown than we suffered king William to 
have ! 

The king being dead, and the queen proclaimed, 
the hot men of that side, as the hot men of all sides 
do, thinking the game in their own hands, and alj 
other people under their feet, began to run out into 
those mad extremes, and precipitate themselves 
into such measures as, according to the fate of all 
intemperate councils, ended in their own confusion, 
and threw them at last out of the saddle. 

The queen, who, though willing to favour the 
high-church party, did not thereby design the 
ruin of those whom she did not employ, was soon 
alarmed at their wild conduct, and turned them 
out, adhering to the moderate counsels of those 
who better understood, or more faithfully pursued, 
her majesty's and the country's interest. In this 
turn fell sir Edward Seymour's party, for so the 
high men were then called ; and to this turn we 
owe the conversion of several other great men, who 
became whigs on that occasion, which it is known 
they were not before ; which conversion afterwards 
begat that unkind distinction of old whig and mo- 
dern whig, which some of the former were with very 
little justice pleased to run up afterwards to an ex- 
treme very pernicious to both. 



But I am gone too far in this part. I return to 
my own story. 

In the interval of these things, and during the 
heat of the first fury of highflying, I fell a sacrifice 
for writing against the rage and madness of that 
high party, and in the service of the dissenters. 
What justice I met with, and, above all, what 
mercy, is too well known to need repetition. 

This introduction is made that it may bring me 
to what has been the foundation of all my further 
concern in public affairs, and will produce a suffi- 
cient reason for my adhering to those whose obli- 
gations upon me were too strong to be resisted, 
even when many things were done by them which I 
could not approve ; and for this reason it is that 
I think it necessary to distinguish how far I did 
or did not adhere to, or join in or with, the per- 
sons or conduct of the late government ; and 
those who are willing to judge with impartiality 
and charity, will see reason to use me the more 
tenderly in their thoughts, when they weigh the 

I will make no reflections upon the treatment I 
met with from the people I suffered for, or how I 
was abandoned even in my sufferings, at the same 
time that they acknowledged the service I had been 
to their cause ; but I must mention it to let you 
know that while I lay friendless and distressed in 
the prison of Newgate, my family ruined, and my- 
self without hope of deliverance, a message was 
brought me from a person of honour, who, till that 
time, I had never had the least acquaintance with, 
or knowledge of, other than by fame, or by sight, 
as we know men of quality by seeing them on pub- 
lic occasions. 1 gave no present answer to the 
person who brought it, having not duly weighed 
the import of the message. The message was by 



word of mouth thus : — " Pray, ask that gentleman 
what I can do for him ?" But in return to this kind 
and generous message, I immediately took my pen 
and ink, and wrote the story of the blind man in 
the gospel, who followed our Saviour, and to whom 
our blessed Lord put the question, " What wilt 
thou that I should do unto thee?" Who, as 
if he had made it strange that such a question 
should be asked, or as if he had said that I am 
blind, and yet ask me what thou shalt do for me ? 
My answer is plain in my misery, " Lord, that I 
may receive my sight ?" 

I needed not to make the application. And 
from this time, although I lay four months in prison 
after this, and heard no more of it, yet from this 
time, as I learned afterwards, this noble person 
made it his business to have my case represented 
to her majesty, and methods taken for my deliver- 

I mention this part, because I am no more to 
forget the obligation upon me to the queen, than to 
my first benefactor. 

When her majesty came to have the truth of the 
case laid before her, I soon felt the effects of her 
royal goodness and compassion. And first, her 
majesty declared, that she left all that matter to a 
certain person, and did not think he would have 
used me in such a manner. Probably these words 
may seem imaginary to some, and the speaking them 
to be of no value, and so they would have been had 
they not been followed with further and more con- 
vincing proofs of what they imported, which were 
these, that her majesty was pleased particularly to 
inquire into my circumstances and family, and by 
my lordtreasurer Godolphin to send a considerable 
* supply to my wife and family, and to send to me 
the prison money to pay my fine and the expenses 



of my discharge. Whether this be a just founda- 
tion let my enemies judge. Here is the foundation 
on which I built my first sense of duty to her ma- 
jesty's person, and the indelible bond of gratitude 
to my first benefactor. 

Gratitude and fidelity are inseparable from an 
honest man. But, to be thus obliged by a stranger, 
by a man of quality and honour, and after that by 
the sovereign under whose administration I was 
suffering, let any one put himself in my stead, and 
examine upon what principles I could ever act 
against either such a queen, or such a benefactor ; 
and what must my own heart reproach me with, 
what blushes must have covered my face when I 
had looked in, and called myself ungrateful to him 
that saved me thus from distress, or her that 
fetched me out of the dungeon, and gave my family 
relief? Let any man who knows what principles 
are, what engagements of honour and gratitude are, 
make his case his own, and say what I could have 
done more or less than I have done. 

I must go on a little with the detail of the obli- 
gation, and then I shall descend to relate what I 
have done, and what I have not done, in the case. 

Being delivered from the distress I was in, her 
majesty, who was not satisfied to do me good by a 
single act of her bounty, had the goodness to think 
of taking me into her service, and I had the honour 
to be employed in several honourable, though secret 
services, by the interposition of my first benefactor, 
who then appeared as a member in the public ad- 

I had the happiness to discharge myself in all 
these trusts so much to the satisfaction of those who 
employed me, though oftentimes with difficulty and 
danger, that my lord treasurer Godolphin, whose 
memory I have always honoured, was pleased to 



continue his favour to me, and to do me all good 
offices with her majesty, even after an unhappy- 
breach had separated him from my first benefac- 
tor, the particulars of which may not be improper 
to relate; and as it is not an injustice to any, so 
I hope it will not be offensive. 

When, upon that fatal breach, the secretary of 
state was dismissed from the service, I looked 
upon myself as lost ; it being a general rule in such 
cases, when a great officer falls, that all who came 
in by his interest fall with him ; and resolving never 
to abandon the fortunes of the man to whom I owed 
so much of my own, I quitted the usual applica- 
tions which I had made to my lord treasurer. 

But my generous benefactor, when he under- 
stood it, frankly told me that I should by no means 
do so ; " For," said he, in the most engaging terms, 
" my lord treasurer will employ you in nothing but 
what is for the public service, and agreeably to your 
own sentiments of things ; and besides, it is the 
queen you are serving, who has been very good to 
you. Pray, apply yourself as you used to do ; I 
shall not take it ill from you in the least*" 

Upon this, I went to wait on my lord-treasurer, 
who received me with great freedom, and told me, 
smiling, he had not seen me a long while. I told 
his lordship very frankly the occasion — that the 
unhappy breach that had fallen out made me 
doubtful whether I should be acceptable to his lord- 
ship. That I knew it was usual when great per- 
sons fall, that all who were in their interest fell 
with them. That his lordship knew the obliga- 
tions I was under, and that I could not but fear 
my interest in his lordship was lessened on that 
account. " Not at all, Mr. De Foe," replied his 
lordship, " I always think a man honest till I find 
to the contrary." 



Upon this, I attended his lordship as usual ; and 
being resolved to remove all possible ground of 
suspicion that I kept any secret correspondence, I 
never visited, or wrote to, or any way corresponded 
with my principal benefactor for above three years ; 
which he so well knew the reason of, and so well 
approved that punctual behaviour in me, that he 
never took it ill from me at all. 

In consequence of this reception, my lord Godol- 
phin had the goodness not only to introduce me for 
the second time to her majesty, and to the honour 
of kissing her hand, but obtained for me the con- 
tinuance of an appointment which her majesty had 
been pleased to make me, in consideration of a 
formal special service I had done, and in which I 
had run as much risk of my life as a grenadier 
upon the counterscarp ; and which appointment, 
however, was first obtained for me at the inter- 
cession of my said first benefactor, and is all owing 
to that intercession and her majesty's bounty. 
Upon this second intVoduction, her majesty was 
pleased to tell me, with a goodness peculiar to her- 
self, that she had such satisfaction in my former ser- 
vices, that she had appointed me for another affair, 
which was something nice, and that my lord trea- 
surer should tell me the rest ; and so I withdrew. 

The next day, his lordship having commanded 
me to attend, told me that he must send me to 
Scotland, and gave me but three days to prepare 
myself. Accordingly, I went to Scotland, where 
neither my business, nor the manner of my dis- 
charging it, is material to this tract ; nor will it 
be ever any part of my character that I reveal 
what should be concealed. And yet, my errand 
was such as was far from being unfit for a sove- 
reign to direct, or an honest man to perform ; and 
the service I did upon that occasion, as it is not 



unknown to the greatest man now in the nation 
under the king and the prince, so, I dare say, his 
grace was never displeased with the part I had in 
it, and I hope will not forget it. 

These things I mention upon this account, and 
no other, viz., to state the obligation I have been 
in all along to her majesty personally, and to my 
first benefactor principally ; by which I say, I think 
I was at least obliged not to act against them, even 
in those things which I might not approve. Whe- 
ther I have acted with them farther than I ought, 
shall be spoken of by itself. 

Having said thus much of the obligations laid on 
me, and the persons by whom, I have this only to 
add, that I think no man will say, a subject could 
be under greater bonds to his prince, or a private 
person to a minister of state ; and I shall ever pre- 
serve this principle, that an honest man cannot be 
ungrateful to his benefactor. 

But let no man run away now with the notion, 
that I am now intending to plead the obligation 
that was laid upon me from her majesty, or from 
any other person, to justify my doing anything that 
is not otherwise to be justified in itself. 

Nothing would be more injurious than such a 
construction ; and therefore I capitulate for so 
much justice as to explain myself by this decla- 
ration, viz., that I only speak of those obligations as 
binding me to a negative conduct, not to fly in the 
face of, or concern myself in disputes with those to 
whom I was under such obligations, although I 
might not, in my judgment, join in many things 
that were done. No obligation could excuse me in 
calling evil good, or good evil ; but I am of the 
opinion r that I might justly think myself obliged to 
defend what I thought was to be defended, and to be 
silent in anything which I might think was not. 



If this is a crime, I must plead guilty, and give 
in the history of my obligation above mentioned as 
an extenuation at least, if not a justification of my 

Suppose a man's father was guilty of several 
things unlawful and unjustifiable ; a man may 
heartily detest the unjustifiable thing, and yet it 
ought not to be expected that he should expose 
his father. I think the case on my side exactly 
the same, nor can the duty to a parent be more 
strongly obliging than the obligation laid on me ; 
but I must allow the case on the other side not the 

And this brings me to the affirmative, and in- 
quire what the matters of fact are ; what I have 
done, or have not done, on account of these obli- 
gations which I am under. 

It is a general suggestion, and is affirmed with 
such assurance, that they tell me it is in vain to 
contradict it, that 1 have been employed by the 
earl of Oxford, late lord treasurer, in the late dis- 
putes about public affairs, to write for him, or, to 
put it into their own particulars, have written by 
his directions taken the materials from him, been 
dictated to or instructed by him, or by other per- 
sons from him, by his order, and the like ; and that 
I have received a pension, or salary, or payment 
from his lordship for such services as these. It 
was impossible, since these things have been so 
confidently affirmed, but that, if I could put it 
into words that would more fully express the mean- 
ing of these people, I profess I would do it. One 
would think that some evidence might be produced, 
some facts might appear, some one or other might 
be found that could speak of certain knowledge. 
To say things have been carried too closely to be 
discovered, is saying nothing, for then they must 



own that it is not discovered ; and how then can 
they affirm it as they do, with such an assurance as 
nothing ought to be affirmed by honest men, unless 
they were able to prove it ? 

To speak, then, to the fact. Were the reproach 
upon me only in this particular, I should not men- 
tion it. I should not think it a reproach to be di- 
rected by a man to whom the queen had at that 
time entrusted the administration of the govern- 
ment. But, as it is a reproach upon his lordship, 
justice requires that I do right in this case. The 
thing is true or false. I would recommend it to 
those who would be called honest men, to consider 
but one thing, viz., what if it should not be true ? 
Can they justify the injury done to that person, or 
to any person concerned ? If it cannot be proved, 
if no vestiges appear to ground it upon, how can 
they charge men upon rumours and reports, and 
join to run down men's characters by the stream of 
clamour ? 

Sed quo rapit impetus undce. 

In answer to the charge, I bear witness to pos- 
terity, that every part of it is false and forged. 
And I do solemnly protest, in the fear and presence 
of Him that shall judge us all, both the slanderers 
and the slandered, that I have not received any in- 
structions, directions, orders, or let them call it 
what they will, of that kind, for the writing of any 
I part of what I have written, or any materials for 
the putting together for the forming any book or 
pamphlet whatsoever, from the said earl of Oxford, 
late lord treasurer, or from any person by his order 
or direction, since the time that the late earl of 
Godolphin was lord treasurer. Neither did I ever 
show, or cause to be shown to his lordship, for his 
approbation, correction, alteration, or for any other 



cause, any book, paper, or pamphlet which I have 
written and published, before the same was worked 
off at the press and published. 

If any man living can detect me of the least pre- 
varication in this, or in any part of it, I desire him 
to do it by all means ; and I challenge all the world 
to do it. And if they cannot, then I appeal, as in 
my title, to the honour and j ustice of my worst en- 
emies, to know upon what foundation of truth or 
conscience they can affirm these things, and for 
what it is that I bear these reproaches. 

In all my writing, I ever capitulated for my li- 
berty to speak according to my own judgment of 
things; 1 ever had that liberty allowed me, nor 
was I ever imposed upon to write this way or that 
against my judgment by any person whatsoever. 

I come now historically to the point of time 
when my lord Godolphin was dismissed from his 
employment, and the late unhappy division broke 
out at court. I waited on my lord the day he was 
displaced, and humbly asked his lordship's direction 
what course I should take ? His lordship's answer 
was, " that he had the same goodwill to assist me, 
but not the same power ; that I was the queen's 
servant, and that all he had done for me was by her 
majesty's special and particular direction ; and that 
whoever should succeed him, it was not material to 
me ; he supposed I should be employed in nothing 
relating to the present differences. My business 
was to wait till I saw things settled, and then apply 
myself to the ministers of state, to receive her ma- 
jesty's commands from them." 

It occurred to me immediately, as a principle for 
my conduct, that it was not material to me what 
ministers her majesty was pleased to employ ; my 
duty was to go along with every ministry, so far as 
they did not break in upon the constitution, and the 




laws and liberties of my country ; my part being 
only the duty of a subject, viz., to submit to all 
lawful commands, and to enter into no service which 
was not justifiable by the laws ; to all which I have 
exactly obliged myself. 

By this, I was providentially cast back upon my 
original benefactor, who, according to his wonted 
goodness, was pleased to lay my case before her 
majesty ; and thereby I preserved my interest in 
her majesty's favour, but without any engagement 
of service. 

As for consideration, pension, gratification, or 
reward, I declare to all the world I have had none, 
except only that old appointment which her ma- 
jesty was pleased to make me in the days of the 
ministry of my lord Godolphin ; of which I have 
spoken already, and which was for services done in 
a foreign country some years before. Neither have 
I been employed, directed, or ordered by my lord 
treasurer aforesaid to do, or not to do, anything in 
the affairs of the unhappy differences which have so 
long perplexed us, and for which I have so many* 
and such unjust reproaches. 

I come next to enter into the matters of fact, 
and what it is I have done, or not done, which may 
justify the treatment I have met with; and first, 
for the negative part, what I have not done. 

The first thing in the unhappy breaches which 
have fallen out, is the heaping up scandal upon the 
persons and conduct of men of honour on one side 
as well as the other ; those unworthy methods of 
falling upon one another by personal calumny and 
reproach. This I have often in print complained 
of an as unchristian, ungenerous, and unjustifiable 
practice. Not a word can be found in all I have 
written reflecting on the persons or conduct of any 
of the former ministry. I served her majesty under 



their administration ; they acted honourably and 
justly in every transaction in which I had the ho- 
nour to be concerned with them, and I never pub- 
lished or said anything dishonourable of any of them 
in my life ; nor can the worst enemy I have pro- 
duce any such thing against me. 1 always regretted 
the change, and looked upon it as a great disaster 
to the nation in general, I am sure it was so to me 
in particular ; and the divisions and feuds among 
parties which followed that change were doubtless a 
disaster to us all. 

The next thing that followed the change was the 
peace : no man can say that ever I once said in my 
life that I approved of the peace. I wrote a public 
paper at that time, and there it remains upon record 
against me. I printed it openly, and that so plainly 
as others durst not do, that I did not like the 
peace ; neither that which was made, nor that 
which was before making ; that I thought the 
protestant interest was not taken care of in either ; 
and that the peace I was for was such as should 
neither have given the Spanish monarchy to the 
house of Bourbon nor to the house of Austria, 
but that this bone of contention should have been 
broken to pieces, that it might not be dangerous to 
Europe ; and that the protestant powers, viz., Bri- 
tain and the States, should have so strengthened 
and fortified their interest by their sharing the 
commerce and strength of Spain, as should have 
made them no more afraid of France or the em- 
peror : so that the protestant interest should have 
been superior to all the powers of Europe, and been 
in no more danger of exorbitant powers whether 
French or Austrian. This was the peace I always 
argued for, pursuant to the design of king William 
in the Treaty of Partition, and pursuant to that 
article of the grand alliance which was directed by 

n 2 



the same glorious hand at the beginning of this last 
war, viz., that all we should conquer in the Spanish 
West Indies should be our own. 

This was the true design, that England and Hol- 
land should have turned their naval power, which 
was eminently superior to that of France, to the 
conquest of the Spanish West Indies, by which the 
channel of trade and return of bullion, which now 
enriches the enemies of both, had been ours ; and 
as the wealth, so the strength of the world had been 
in protestant hands. Spain, whoever had it, must 
then have been dependent upon us. The house of 
Bourbon would have found it so poor without us, 
as to be scarce worth fighting for : and the people 
so averse to them, for want of their commerce, as 
not to make it ever likely that France could keep k. 

This was the foundation I ever acted upon with 
relation to the peace. It is true, that when it was 
made, and could not be otherwise, I thought our 
business was to make the best of it, and rather to 
inquire what improvements were to be made of it, 
than to be continually exclaiming at those who 
made it ; and where the objection lies against this 
part, I cannot yet see. 

While I spoke of things in this manner, I bore 
infinite reproaches from clamouring pens, of being 
in the French interest, being hired and bribed to 
defend a bad peace, and the like ; and most of this 
was upon a supposition of my writing, or being the 
author of, abundance of pamphlets which came out 
every day, and which I had no hand in. And indeed, 
as I shall observe again by and by, this was one 
of the greatest pieces of injustice that could be 
done me, and which I labour still under without 
any redress ; that whenever any piece comes out 
which is not liked, I am immediately charged with 
being the author ; and very often the first know- 



ledge I have had of a book being published, has 
been from seeing myself abused for being the author 
of it, in some other pamphlet published in answer 
to it. 

Finding myself treated in this manner, I declined 
writing at all, and for a great part of a year never 
set pen to paper, except in the public paper called 
the Review. After this I was long absent in the 
north of England ; and, observing the insolence of 
the jacobite party, and how they insinuated fine 
things into the heads of the common people, of the 
right and claim of the pretender, and of the great 
things he would do for us if he were to come in ; of 
his being to turn a protestant, of his being resolved 
to maintain our liberties, support our friends, give 
liberty to dissenters, and the like ; and finding that 
the people began to be deluded, and that the jaco- 
bites gained ground among them by these insinu- 
ations, I thought it the best service I could do the 
protestant interest, and the best way to open peo- 
ple's eyes of the protestant succession, if I took 
some course effectually to alarm the people with 
what they really ought to expect, if the pretender 
should come to be king. And this made me set 
pen to paper again. 

And this brings me to the affirmative part, or to 
what really I have done ; and in this, I am sorry to 
say, I have one of the foulest, most unjust, and un- 
christian clamours to complain of, that any man has 
suffered, I believe, since the days of the tyranny of 
king James II. The fact is thus : — 

In order to detect the influence of jacobite 
emissaries, as above, the first thing I wrote was a 
small tract, called A Seasonable Caution ; a book 
sincerely written to open the eyes of the poor, 
ignorant country people, and to warn them against 
the subtle insinuations of the emissaries of the pre- 



tender ; and that it might be effectual to that pur- 
pose, I prevailed with several of my friends to give 
them away among the poor people, all over England, 
especially in the north ; and several thousands were 
actually given away, the price being reduced so low, 
that the bare expense of paper and press was only 
preserved, that every one might be convinced that 
nothing of gain was designed, but a sincere endeavour 
to do a public good, and assist to keep the people 
entirely in the interest of the protestant succession. 

Next to this, and with the same sincere design, I 
wrote two pamphlets, one entituled, What if the Pre- 
tender should come ? the other, Reasons against the 
Succession of the House of Hanover. 

Nothing can be more plain than that the titles of 
these books were amusements, in order to put the 
books into the hands of those people whom the 
jacobites had deluded, and to bring them to be read 
by them. 

Previous to what I shall further say of these books, 
I must observe that all these books met with so 
general a reception and approbation among those 
who were most sincere for the protestant succession, 
that they sent them all over the kingdom, and 
recommended them to the people as excellent and 
useful pieces ; insomuch that about seven editions 
of them were printed, and they were reprinted in 
other places. And I do protest, had his present 
majesty, then elector of Hanover, given me a thou- 
sand pounds to have written for the interest of his 
succession, and to expose and render the interest 
of the pretender odious and ridiculous, I could 
have done nothing more effectual to those purposes 
than these books were. 

And that I may make my worst enemies, to whom 
this is a fair appeal, judges of this, I must take leave, 
by and by, to repeat some of the expressions in 



these books, which were direct and need no explana- 
tion, which I think no man that was in the interest 
of the pretender, nay, which no man but one who 
was entirely in the interest of the Hanover succession, 
could write. 

Nothing can be severer in the fate of a man than 
to act so between two parties, that both sides should 
be provoked against him. It is certain, the jacobites 
cursed those tracts and the author, and when they 
came to read them, being deluded by the titles ac- 
cording to the design, they threw them by with the 
greatest indignation imaginable. Had the pretender 
ever come to the throne, I could have expected 
nothing but death, and all the ignominy and reproach 
that the most inveterate enemy of his person and 
claim could be supposed to suffer. 

On the other hand, I leave it to any considering 
man to judge, what a surprise it must be to me to 
meet with all the public clamour that informers 
could invent, as being guilty of writing against the 
Hanover succession, and as having written several 
pamphlets in favour of the pretender. 

No man in this nation ever had a more rivetted 
aversion to the pretender, and to all the family he 
pretended to come of, than I ; a man that had been 
in arms under the duke of Monmouth, against the 
cruelty and arbitrary government of his pretended 
father ; that for twenty years had to my utmost op- 
posed him (king James) and his party after his abdica- 
tion ; and had served king William to his satisfaction, 
and the friends of the revolution after his death, at 
all hazards and upon all occasions ; that had suffered 
and been ruined under the administration of high- 
fliers and jacobites, of whom some at this day coun- 
terfeit whigs. It could not be ! The nature of the 
thing could by no means allow it ; it must be mon- 
strous ; and that the wonder may cease, I shall take 



leave to quote some of the expressions out of these 
books, of which the worst enemy I have in the 
world is left to judge whether they are in favour of 
the pretender or no ; but of this in its place. For 
these books I was prosecuted, taken into custody, 
and obliged to give 800/. bail. 

I do not in the least object here against, or design 
to reflect upon, the proceedings of the judges which 
were subsequent to this. I acknowledged then, and 
now acknowledge again, that upon the information 
given, there was a sufficient ground for all they did ; 
and my unhappy entering upon my own vindication 
in print, while the case was before their lordships in 
a judicial way, was an error which I did not under- 
stand, and which I did not foresee ; and therefore, 
although I had great reason to reflect upon the in- 
formers, yet I was wrong in making that defence in 
the manner and time I then made it ; and which 
when I found, I made no scruple afterwards to peti- 
tion the judges, and acknowledge they had just 
ground to resent it. Upon which petition and ac- 
knowledgment their lordships were pleased, with 
particular marks of goodness, to release me, and 
not to take the advantage of an error of ignorance, 
as if it had been considered and premeditated. 

But against the informers I think I have great 
reason to complain ; and against the injustice of 
those writers who, in many pamphlets, charged me 
with writing for the pretender, and the government 
with pardoning an author who wrote for the preten- 
der. And, indeed, the justice of these men can be 
in nothing more clearly stated than in this case of 
mine ; where the charge, in their printed papers and 
public discourse, was brought ; not that they them- 
selves believed me guilty of the crime, but because 
it was necessary to blacken the man, that a general 
reproach might serve for an answer to whatever he 



should say that was not for their turn. So that it 
was the person, not the crime, they fell upon ; and 
they may justly be said to persecute for the sake of 
persecution, as will thus appear. 

This matter making some noise, people began to 
inquire into it, and ask what De Foe was prosecuted 
for, seeing the books were manifestly written against 
the pretender, and for the interest of the house of 
Hanover. And my friends expostulated freely with 
some of the men who appeared in it, who answered 
with more truth than honesty, that they knew this 
book had nothing in it, and that it was meant 
another way; but that De Foe had disobliged them in 
other things, and they were resolved to take the ad- 
vantage ihey had, both to punish and expose him. 
They were no inconsiderable people who said this ; 
and had the case come to a trial, I had provided 
good evidence to prove the words. 

This is the Christianity and justice by which I 
have been treated, and this in justice is the thing I 
complain of. 

Now, as this was the plot of a few men to see if 
they could brand me in the world for a jacobite, and 
persuade rash and ignorant people that I was turned 
about for the pretender, I think they might as 
easily have proved me to be a mahometan ; there- 
fore, I say, this obliges me to state the matter as it 
really stands, that impartial men may judge whether 
those books were written for or against the preten- 
der. And this cannot be better done than by the 
account of what folio wed after the information, which, 
in a few words, was this : — 

Upon the several days appointed, I appeared at 
the Queen's Bench bar to discharge my bail ; and at 
last had an indictment for high crimes and mis- 
demeanors exhibited against me by her majesty's 



attorney-general, which, as I was informed, con- 
tained two hundred sheets of paper. 

What was the substance of the indictment I shall 
not mention here, neither could I enter upon it, 
having never seen the particulars ; but I was told 
that I should be brought to trial the very next term. 

I was not ignorant that in such cases it is easy to 
make any book a libel, and that the jury must have 
found the matter of fact in the indictment, viz., that 
I had written such books, and then what might have 
followed I knew not. Wherefore, I thought it was 
my only way to cast myself on the clemency of her 
majesty, of whose goodness I had so much experience 
many ways ; representing in my petition, that I was 
far from the least intention to favour the interest of 
the pretender, but that the books were all written 
with a sincere design to promote the interest of the 
house of Hanover ; and humbly laid before her 
majesty, as I do now before the rest of the world, 
the books themselves to plead in my behalf ; repre- 
senting further, that I was maliciously informed 
against by those who were willing to put a construc- 
tion upon the expressions different from my true 
meaning; and therefore, flying to her majesty's 
goodness and clemency, I entreated her gracious 

It was not only the native disposition of her 
majesty to acts of clemency and goodness that ob- 
tained me this pardon ; but, as I was informed, her 
majesty was pleased to express it in the council, 
" She saw nothing but private pique in the first pro- 
secution." And therefore I think I cannot give a 
better and clearer vindication of myself, than what 
is contained in the preamble to the pardon which 
her majesty was pleased to grant me ; and I must 
be allowed to say to those who are still willing to 



object, that I think what satisfied her majesty might 
be sufficient to satisfy them ; and I can assure them 
that this pardon was not granted without her ma- 
jesty's being specially and particularly acquainted 
with the things alleged in the petition, the books 
also being looked into, to find the expressions quoted 
in the petition. The preamble to the patent for a 
pardon, as far as relates to the matters of fact, runs 
thus: — 

" Whereas, in the term of the Holy Trinity last 
past, our attorney-general did exhibit an information, 
in our court of Queen's Bench at Westminster, against 
Daniel De Foe, late of London, gent., for writing, 
printing, and publishing, and causing to be written, 
printed, and published, three libels, the one entituled, 
Reasons against the Succession of the House of 
Hanover ; with an Inquiry how far the Abdication 
of King James, supposing it to be legal, ought to 
affect the person of the Pretender. One other, 
entituled, And what if the Pretender should come ? 
or, Some Considerations of the Advantages and real 
Consequences of the Pretender's possessing the 
Crown of Great Britain. And one other, entituled, 
An Answer to a Question that nobody thinks of, viz., 
What if the Queen should die ? 

"And whereas the said Daniel De Foe hath by 
his humble petition represented to us, that he, with 
a sincere design to propagate the interest of the 
Hanover succession, and to animate the people 
against the designs of the pretender, whom he 
always looked on as an enemy to our sacred person 
and government, did publish the said pamphlets: 
in all which books, although the titles seemed to 
look as if written in favour of the pretender, and 
several expressions, as in all ironical writing it must 
be, may be wrested against the true design of the 
whole, and turned to a meaning quite different from 



the intention of the author, yet the petitioner humbly 
assures us,, in the solemnest manner, that his true 
and only design in all the said books was, by an 
ironical discourse of recommending the pretender, 
in the strongest and most forcible manner to expose 
his designs, and the ruinous consequences of his 
succeeding therein ; which, as the petitioner humbly 
represents, will appear to our satisfaction by the 
books themselves, where the following expressions 
are very plain : viz :, ' That the pretender is recom- 
mended as a person proper to amass the English 
liberties into his own sovereignty ; supply them 
with the privilege of wearing wooden shoes ; easing 
them of the trouble of choosing parliaments ; and 
the nobility and gentry of the hazard and expense 
of winter journeys, by governing them in that more 
righteous method, of his absolute will, and enforcing 
the laws by a glorious standing army ; paying all 
the nation's debts at once by stopping the funds and 
shutting up the exchequer ; easing and quieting 
their differences in religion, by bringing them to 
the union of popery, or leaving them at liberty to 
have no religion at all :' that these were some of the 
very expressions in the said books, which the peti- 
tioner sincerely designed to expose and oppose, and 
as far as in him lies, the interest of the pretender, 
and with no other intention ; nevertheless, the pe- 
titioner, to his great surprise, has been misrepre- 
sented, and his said books misconstrued, as if written 
in favour of the pretender ; and the petitioner is 
now under prosecution for the same ; which prosecu- 
tion, if further carried on, will be the utter ruin of 
the petitioner and his family. Wherefore, the peti- 
tioner, humbly assuring us of the innocence of his 
design as aforesaid, flies to our clemency, and most 
humbly prays our most gracious and free pardon. 
" We, taking the premises and the circumstances 


of the petitioner into our royal consideration, are 
graciously pleased to extend our royal mercy to the 
petitioner. Our will and pleasure therefore is, that 
you prepare a bill for our royal signature, to pass 
our great seal, containing our gracious and free 
pardon unto him, the said Daniel De Foe, of the 
offences aforementioned, and of all indictments, con- 
victions, pains, penalties, and forfeitures incurred 
thereby ; and you are to insert therein all such apt 
beneficial clauses as you shall deem requisite to 
make this our intended pardon more full, valid, and 
effectual; and for so doing, this shall be your warrant. 
Given at our castle at Windsor, the twentieth day 
of November, 1713, in the twentieth year of our 
reign. By her majesty's command. 


Let any indifferent man judge whether I was not 
treated with particular malice in this matter ; who 
was, notwithstanding this, reproached in the daily 
public prints with having written treasonable books 
in behalf of the pretender ; nay, and in some of 
those books, as before, the queen herself was re- 
proached with having granted her pardon to an 
author who writ for the pretender. 

I think I might with much more justice say, I 
was the first man that ever was obliged to seek a 
pardon for writing for the Hanover succession, and 
the first man that these people ever sought to ruin 
for writing against the pretender. For, if ever a 
book was sincerely designed to further and propa- 
gate the affection and zeal of the nation against the 
pretender, nay, and was made use of, and that with 
success too, for that purpose, these books were so 3 
and I ask no more favour of the world to determine 
the opinion of honest men for or against me, than 
what is drawn constructively from these books. 



Let one word, either written or spoken by me, either 
published or not published, be produced, that was in 
the least disrespectful to the protestant succession, 
or to any branch of the family of Hanover, or that 
can be judged to be favourable to the interest or 
person of the pretender, and I will be willing to 
waive her majesty's pardon, and render myself 
to public justice, to be punished for it, as I should 
well deserve. 

I freely and openly challenge the worst of my 
enemies to charge me with any discourse, conversa- 
tion, or behaviour, in my whole life, which had the 
least word in it injurious to the protestant succession, 
unbecoming or disrespectful to any of the persons 
of the royal family of Hanover, or the least favourable 
word of the persons, the designs, or friends of the 
pretender. If they can do it, let them stand forth 
and speak ; no doubt but that they may be heard ; 
and I, for my part, will relinquish all pleas, pardons, 
and defences, and cast myself into the hands of 
justice. Nay, to go further, I defy them to prove 
that I ever kept company, or had any society, friend- 
ship, or conversation, with any jacobite. So averse 
have I been to the interest and the people, that I have 
studiously avoided their company on all occasions. 

As nothing in the world has been more my aver- 
sion than the society of jacobites, so nothing can be 
a greater misfortune to me than to be accused and 
publicly reproached with what is, of all things in 
the world, most abhorred by me ; and that which 
has made it the more afflicting is, that this charge 
arises from those very things which I did with the 
sincerest design to manifest the contrary. 

But such is my present fate, and I am to submit 
to it ; which I do with meekness and calmness, as 
to a judgment from heaven, and am practising that 



duty which I have studied long ago, of forgiving my 
enemies, and praying for them that despitefully use 

Having given this brief history of the pardon, &c., 
I hope the impartial part of the world will grant me, 
that being thus graciously delivered a second time 
from the cruelty of my implacable enemies, and the 
ruin of a cruel and unjust persecution, and that by 
the mere clemency and goodness, my obligation to 
her majesty's goodness was far from being made less 
than it was before. 

I have now run through the history of my obliga- 
tion to her majesty, and to the person of my bene- 
factor aforesaid. I shall state everything that 
followed this with all the clearness I can, and leave 
myself liable to as little cavil as I may ; for I see 
myself assaulted by a sort of people who will do me 
no justice. I hear a great noise made of punishing 
those that are guilty, but, as I said before, not one 
word of clearing those that are innocent ; and I 
must say, in this part they treat me, not only as I 
were no Christian, but as if they themselves were 
not Christians. They will neither prove the charge 
nor hear the defence, which is the unjustest thing in 
the world. 

I foresee what will be alleged to the clause of my 
obligation, &c, to great persons, and I resolve to 
give my adversaries all the advantage they can 
desire by acknowledging beforehand, that no obli- 
gation to the queen, or to any benefactor, can justify 
any man's acting against the interest of his country, 
against his principles, his conscience, and his former 

I think this will anticipate all that can be said 
upon that head, and it will then remain to tell the 
fact, as I am not chargeable with it ; which I shall 
do as clearly as possible in a few words. 



It is none of my work to enter into the conduct 
of the queen or of the ministry in this case ; the 
question is not what they have done, but what I have 
done ; and though I am very far from thinking of 
them as some other people think, yet, for the sake 
of the present argument, I am to give them all up, 
and suppose, though not granting, that all which is 
suggested of them by the worst temper, the most 
censorious writer, the most scandalous pamphlet or 
lampoon should be true ; and I'll go through some 
of the particulars, as I meet with them in public. 

1st. That they made a scandalous peace, unjustly 
broke the alliance, betrayed the confederates, and 
sold us all to the French. 

God forbid it should be all truth, in the manner 
that we see it in print ; but that I say is none of my 
business. But what hand had I in all this ? I never 
wrote one word for the peace before it was made, or 
to justify it after it was made ; let them produce it 
if they can. Nay, in a Review upon that subject 
while it was making, I printed it in plainer words 
than other men durst speak it at that time, that I 
did not like the peace, nor did I like any peace that 
was making since that of the partition, and that the 
protestant interest was not taken care of either in 
that or the treaty of Gertrudenburgh before it. 

It is true that I did say, that since the peace was 
made, and we could not help it, that it was our bu- 
siness and our duty to make the best of it, to make 
the utmost advantage of it by commerce, navigation, 
and all kind of improvement that we could, and this 
I say still ; and I must think it is more our duty to 
do so than the exclamations against the thing itself, 
which it is not in our power to retrieve. This is all 
that the worst enemy I have can charge me with. 
After the peace was made, and the Dutch and the 
emperor stood out, I gave my opinion of what I fore- 



saw would necessarily be the consequence of that 
difference, viz., that it would inevitably involve 
these nations in a war with one or other of them ; 
any one who was master of common sense in the 
public affairs might see that the standing out of the 
Dutch could have no other event. For if the con- 
federates had conquered the French, they would 
certainly have fallen upon us by way of resentment, 
and there was no doubt but the same councils that 
led us to make a peace would oblige us to maintain 
it, by preventing too great impressions upon the 

On the other hand, I alleged, that should the 
French prevail against the Dutch, unless he stopped 
at such limitations of conquest as the treaty obliged 
him to do, we must have been under the sa,me ne- 
cessity to renew the war against France ; and for 
this reason, seeing we had made a peace, we were 
obliged to bring the rest of the confederates into it, 
and to bring the French to give them all such terms 
as they ought to be satisfied with. 

This way of arguing was either so little under- 
stood, or so much maligned, that I suffered innume- 
rable reproaches in print for having written for a 
war with the Dutch, which was neither in the ex- 
pression, nor ever in my imagination ; but I pass 
by these injuries as small and trifling compared to 
others I suffer under. 

However, one thing I must say of the peace, let 
it be good or ill in itself, I cannot but think we have 
all reason to rejoice in behalf of his present majesty, 
that at his accession to the crown he found the na- 
tion in peace, and had the hands of the king of 
France tied up by a peace so as not to be able, with- 
out the most infamous breach of articles, to offer the 
least disturbance to his taking a quiet and leisurely 

life. o 



possession, or so much as to countenance those that 

Not but that I believe, if the war had been at the 
height, we should have been able to have preserved 
the crown for his present majesty, its only rightful 
lord ; but I will not say it should have been so easy, 
so bloodless, so undisputed as now; and all the 
difference must be acknowledged to the peace, and 
this is all the good I ever yet said of it. 

I come next to the general clamour of the ministry 
being for the pretender. I must speak my senti- 
ments solemnly and plainly, as I always did in that 
matter, viz., that if it was so, I did not see it, nor did 
I ever see reason to believe it ; this I am sure of, 
that if it was so, I never took one step in that kind 
of service, nor did I ever hear one word spoken by 
any one of the ministry that I had the honour to 
know or converse with, that favoured the pretender ; 
but have had the honour to hear them all protest 
that there was no design to oppose the succession of 
Hanover in the least. 

It may be objected to me, that they might be in 
the interest of the pretender for all that ; it is true 
they might, but that is nothing to me. I am not 
vindicating their conduct, but my own ; as I never 
was employed in anything that way, so I do still 
protest I do not believe it was ever in their design, 
and I have many reasons to confirm my thoughts in 
that case, which are not material to the present 
case. But be that as it will, it is enough to me that 
I acted nothing in any such interest, neither did I 
ever sin against the protestant succession of Hanover 
in thought, word, or deed ; and if the ministry did, 
I did not see it, or so much as suspect them of it. 

It was a disaster to the ministry, to be driven to 
the necessity of taking that set of men by the hand, 



who nobody can deny, were in that interest ; bat as 
the former ministry answered, when they were 
charged with a design to overthrow the church, be- 
cause they favoured, joined with, and were united 
to the dissenters ; I say they answered, that they 
made use of the dissenters, but granted them no- 
thing (which, by the way, was too true ;) so these 
gentlemen answer, that it is true they made use of 
jacobites, but did nothing for them. 

But this by the by. Necessity is pleaded by 
both parties for doing things which neither side can 
justify. I wish both sides would for ever avoid the 
necessity of doing evil ; for certainly it is the worst 
plea in the world, and generally made use of for the 
worst things. 

I have often lamented the disaster which I saw 
employing jacobites was to the late ministry, and 
certainly it gave the greatest handle to the enemies 
of the ministry to fix that universal reproach upon 
them of being in the interest of the pretender. But 
there was no medium. The whigs refused to show 
them a safe retreat, or to give them the least 
opportunity to take any other measures, but at the 
risk of their own destruction ; and they ventured 
upon that course in hopes of being able to stand alone 
at last withont help of either the one or the other ; 
in which they were no doubt, mistaken. 

However, in this part, as I was always assured, 
and have good reason still to believe, that her ma- 
jesty was steady in the interest of the house of 
Hanover, and as nothing was ever offered to me, or 
required of me, to the prejudice of that interest, on 
what ground can I be reproached with the secret 
reserved designs of any, if they had such designs, as 
I still verily believe they had not ? 

I see there are some men who would fain persuade 
the world, that every man that was in the interest of 

o 2 



the late ministry, or employed by the late govern- 
ment, or that served the late queen, was for the 

God forbid this should be true ; and I think there 
needs very little to be said in answer to it. I can 
answer for myself, that it is notoriously false ; and I 
think the easy and uninterrupted accession of his 
majesty to the crown contradicts it. I see no end 
which such a suggestion aims at, but to leave an 
odium upon all that had any duty or regard to her 
late majesty. 

A subject is not always master of his sovereign's 
measures, nor always to examine what persons or 
parties the prince he serves employs, so be it that 
they break not in upon the constitution ; that they 
govern according to law, and that he is employed in 
no illegal act, or have nothing desired of him incon- 
sistent with the liberties and laws of his country. 
If this be not right, then a servant of the king's is 
in a worse case than a servant to any private person. 

In all these things I have not erred ; neither have 
I acted or done anything in the whole course of my 
life, either in the service of her majesty or of her 
ministry, that any one can say has the least devia- 
tion from the strictest regard to the protestant suc- 
cession, and to the laws and liberties of my country. 

I never saw an arbitrary action offered at, a law 
dispensed with, justice denied, or oppression set up, 
either by queen or ministry, in any branch of the 
administration, wherein I had the least concern. 

If I have sinned against the whigs, it has been all 
negatively, viz., that I have not joined in the loud 
exclamations against the queen and against the 
ministry, and against their measures ; and if this be 
my crime, my plea is twofold. 

L I did not really see cause for carrying their com- 
plaints to that violent degree. 



2. Where I did see what, as before, I lamented 
and was sorry for, and could not join with or ap- 
prove, — as joining with jacobites, the peace, &c, — 
my obligation is my plea for my silence. 

I have all the good thoughts of the person, and 
good wishes for the prosperity of my benefactor, that 
charity and that gratitude can inspire me with. I 
ever believed him to have the true interest of the 
protestant religion and of his country in his view ; 
and if it should be otherwise, I should be very sorry. 
And I must repeat it again, that he always left me 
so entirely to my own judgment, in everything I did, 
that he never prescribed to me what I should write, 
or should not write, in my life ; neither did he ever 
concern himself to dictate to or restrain me in any 
kind ; nor did he see any one tract that I ever wrote 
before it was printed ; so that all the notion of my 
writing by his direction is as much a slander upon 
him as it is possible anything of that kind can be ; 
and if I have written anything which is offensive, 
unjust, or untrue, I must do that justice as to de- 
clare, he has no hand in it ; the crime is my own. 

As the reproach of his directing me to write is a 
slander upon the person I am speaking of, so that 
of my receiving pensions and payments from him 
for writing, is a slander upon me ; and I speak it 
with the greatest sincerity, seriousness, and solemnity 
that it is possible for a Christian man to speak, that 
except the appointment I mentioned before, which 
her majesty was pleased to make me formerly, and 
which I received during the time of my lord Godol- 
phin's ministry, I have not received of the late lord 
treasurer, or of any one else by his order, knowledge, 
or direction, one farthing, or the value of a farthing, 
during his whole administration; nor has all the 
interest I have been supposed to have in his lord- 



ship been able to procure me the arrears due to me 
in the time of the other ministry. So help me 

I am under no necessity of making this declara- 
tion. The services I did, and for which her majesty 
was pleased to make me a small allowance, are 
known to the greatest men in the present adminis- 
tration ; and some of them were then of the opinion, 
and I hope are so still, that I was not unworthy of 
her majesty's favour. The effect of those services, 
however small, is enjoyed by those great persons 
and by the whole nation to this day ; and I had the 
honour once to be told, that they should never be 
forgotten. It is a misfortune that no man can 
avoid, to forfeit for his deference to the person and 
services of his queen, to whom he was inexpressibly 
obliged ; and if I am fallen under the displeasure of 
the present government for anything I ever did in 
obedience to her majesty in the past, I may say it 
is my disaster ; but I can never say it is my fault. 

This brings me again to that other oppression 
which, as I said, I suffer under, and which, I think, 
is of a kind that no man ever suffered under so 
much as myself ; and this is to have every libel, 
every pamphlet, be it ever so foolish, so malicious, 
so unmannerly, or so dangerous, be laid at my door, 
and be called publicly by my name. It has been 
in vain for me to struggle with this injury ; it has 
been in vain for me to protest, to declare solemnly, 
nay, if I would have sworn that I had no hand in 
such a book or paper, never saw it, never read it, 
and the like, it was the same thing. 

My name has been hackneyed about the street 
by the hawkers, and about the coffeehouses by the 
politicians, at such a rate as no patience could bear. 
One man will swear to the style ; another to this 



or that expression ; another to the way of printing ; 
and all so positive that it is to no purpose to oppose 

I published once, to stop this way of using me, 
that I would print nothing but what I set my name to, 
and held it for a year or two ; but it was all one ; I 
had the same treatment. I now have esolved for 
some time to write nothing at all, and yet I find ti 
the same thing ; two books lately published being 
called mine, for no other reason that I know of than 
than that at the request of the printer, I revised two 
sheets of them at the press, and that they seemed 
to be written in favour of a certain person ; which 
person, also, as I have been assured, had no hand 
in them, or any knowledge of them, till they were 
published in print. 

This is a flail which I have no fence against, but 
to complain of the injustice of it, and that is but 
the shortest way to be treated with more injustice. 

There is a mighty charge against me for being 
author and publisher of a paper called the 'Mercator.' 
I will state the fact first, and then speak to the sub- 

It is true, that being desired to give my opinion 
in the affair of the commerce with France, I did as 
I often had done in print many years before, declare 
that it was my opinion we ought to have an open 
trade with France, because I did believe we might 
have the advantage by such a trade ; and of this 
opinion I am still. What part I had in the Mer- 
cator is well known ; and could men answer with 
argument, and not with personal abuse, I would at 
any time defend every part of the Mercator which 
was of my doing. But to say the Mercator was 
mine, is false ; I neither was the author of it, had 
the property of it, the printing of it, or the profit by 
it. I had never any payment or reward for writing 



any part of it, nor had I the power to put what I 
would into it. Yet the whole clamour fell upon 
me, because they knew not who else to load with it. 
And when they came to answer, the method was, 
instead of argument, to threaten and reflect upon 
me, reproach me with private circumstances and 
misfortunes, and give language which no Christian 
ought to give, and which no gentleman ought to take. 

I thought any Englishman had the liberty to 
speak his opinion in such things, for this had no- 
thing to do with the public. The press was open 
to me as well as to others ; and how or when I lost 
my English liberty of speaking my mind, I know 
not : neither how my speaking my opinion without 
fee or reward, could authorise them to call me vil- 
lain, rascal, traitor, and such opprobrious names. 

It was ever my opinion, and is so still, that were 
our wool kept from France, and our manufactures 
spread in France upon reasonable duties, all the 
improvements which the French have made in the 
woollen manufactures would decay, and in the end 
^be little worth ; and consequently, the hurt they 
could do us by them would be of little moment. 

It was my opinion, and is so still, that the ninth 
article of the treaty of commerce was calculated for 
the advantage of our trade, let who will make it. 
That is nothing to me. My reasons are because it 
tied up the French to open the door to our manu- 
factures at a certain duty of importation there, and 
left the parliament of Britain at liberty to shut 
theirs out by as high duties as they pleased here, 
there being no limitation upon us as to duties on 
French goods ; but that other nations should pay 
the same. 

While the French were thus bound, and tha Bri- 
tish free, I always thought we must be in a condi- 
tion to trade to advantage, or it must be our own 



fault. This was my opinion, and is so still ; and I 
would venture to maintain it against any man upon 
a public stage, before a jury of fifty merchants, and 
venture my life upon the cause, if I were assured 
of fair play in the dispute. But that it was my 
opinion that we might carry on a trade with France 
to our great advantage, and that we ought for that 
reason to trade with them, appears in the third, 
fourth, fifth, and sixth volumes of the Review, above 
nine years before the Mercator was thought of. It 
was not thought criminal to say so then ; how 
it come to be villanous to say so now, God knows ; 
I can give no account of it. I am still of the same 
opinion, and shall never be brought to say other- 
wise, unless I see the state of trade so altered as to 
alter my opinion ; and if ever I do I shall be able 
to give good reasons for it. 

The answer to these things, whether mine or no, 
was all pointed at me, and the arguments were ge- 
nerally in the terms villain, rascal, miscreant, liar, 
bankrupt, fellow, hireling, turncoat, &c. What the 
arguments were bettered by these methods, I leave 
others to judge of. Also, most of those things in 
the Mercator, for which I had such usage, were 
such as I was not the author of. 

I do grant, had all the books which had been 
called by my name been written by me, I must of 
necessity have exasperated every side ; and perhaps 
have deserved it ; but I have the greatest injustice 
imaginable in this treatment, as I have in the per- 
verting the design of what I have really written. 

To sum up, therefore, my complaint in a few 
words : — 

I was, from my first entering into the knowledge 
of public matters, and have ever been to this day, 
a sincere lover of the constitution of my country ; 
zealous for liberty and the protestant interest ; but 



a constant follower of moderate principles, a vi- 
gorous opposer of hot measures in all parties. I 
never once changed my opinion, my principles, or 
my party : and let what will be said of changing 
sides, this I maintain, that I never once deviated 
from the revolution principles, nor from the doc- 
trine of liberty and property on which it was 

I own I could never be convinced of the great 
danger of the pretender in the time of the late mi- 
nistry, nor can I be now convinced of the great 
danger of the church under this ministry. I be- 
lieve the cry of the one was politically made use of 
then to serve other designs, and I plainly see the 
like use made of the other now. I spoke my mind 
freely then, and I have done the like now, in a 
small tract to that purpose not yet made public; 
and which if I live to publish I will publicly own, 
as I purpose to do everything I write, that my 
friends may know when I am abused, and they im- 
posed on. 

It has been the disaster of all parties in this 
nation to be very hot in their turn ; and as often 
as they have been so I have differed with them, 
and ever must and shall do so. I will repeat some 
of the occasions on the whigs' side, because from 
that quarter the accusation of my turning about 

The first time I had the misfortune to differ with 
my friends was about the year 1683, when the 
Turks were besieging Vienna, and the whigs in 
England, generally speaking, were for the Turks 
taking it, which I, having read the history of the 
cruelty and perfidious dealings of the Turks in 
their wars, and how they had rooted out the name 
of the Christian religion in above threescore and 
ten kingdoms, could by no means agree with. And 



though then but a young man, and a younger au- 
thor, I opposed it, and wrote against it, which was 
taken very unkindly indeed. 

The next time I differed with my friends was 
when king James was wheedling the dissenters to 
take off the penal laws and test, which I could by 
no means come into. And, as in the first, I used 
to say, I had rather the popish house of Austria 
should ruin the protestants in Hungaria, than the 
infidel house of Ottoman should ruin both protest- 
ants and papists by overrunning Germany ; so, in the 
other, I told the dissenters I had rather the church 
of England should pull our clothes off by fines and 
forfeitures, than the papists should fall both upon 
the church and the dissenters, and pull our skins 
off by fire and fagot. 

The next difference I had with good men was 
about the scandalous practice of occasional con- 
formity, in which I had the misfortune to make 
many honest men angry, rather because I had the 
better of the argument, than because they disliked 
what I said. 

And now I have lived to see the dissenters them- 
selves very quiet, if not very well pleased with an 
act of parliament to prevent it. Their friends in- 
deed laid it on ; they would be friends indeed if 
they would talk of taking it off again. 

Again, I had a breach with honest men for their 
maltreating king William ; of which I say nothing, 
because I think they are now opening their eyes, 
and making what amends they can to his memory. 

The fifth difference I had with them was about 
the treaty of Partition, in which many honest men 
are mistaken, and in which I told them plainly then 
that they would at last end the war upon worse 
terms ; and so it is my opinion they would have 



done, though the treaty of Gertrudenburgh had 
taken place. 

The sixth time I differed with them was when 
the old whigs fell upon the modern whigs, and 
when the duke of Marlborough and my lord Godol- 
phin were used by the Observator in a manner 
worse, I must confess, for the time it lasted, than 
ever they were used since ; nay, though it were by 
Abel and the Examiner ; but the success failed. In 
this dispute my lord Godolphin did me the honour 
to tell me, I had served him and his grace also both 
faithfully and successfully. But his lordship is 
dead, and I have now no testimony of it but what 
is to be found in the Observator, where I am plen- 
tifully abused for being an enemy to my country, 
by acting in the interest of my lord Godolphin and 
the duke of Marlborough. What weathercock can 
turn with such tempers as these ! 

I am now on the seventh breach with them, and 
my crime now is, that I will not believe and say the 
same things of the queen and the late treasurer 
which I could not believe before of my lord Godol- 
phin and the duke of Marlborough, and which in 
truth I cannot believe, and therefore could not say 
it of either of them ; and which, if I had believed, 
yet I ought not to have been the man that should 
have said it for the reasons aforesaid. 

In such turns of tempers and times, a man 
must be tenfold a vicar of Bray, or it is impossible 
but he must one time or other be out with every- 
body. This is my present condition, and for this I 
am reviled with having abandoned my principles, 
turned jacobite, and what not. God judge between 
me and these men. Would they come to any par- 
ticulars with me, what real guilt I may have I 
would freely acknowledge ; and if they would pro- 



duce any evidence of the bribes, the pensions, and 
the rewards I have taken, I would declare honestly 
whether they were true or no. If they would give 
a list of the books which they charge me with, and 
the reasons why they lay them at my door, I would 
acknowledge my mistake, own what I have done, 
and let them know what I have not done. But 
these men neither show mercy, nor leave place for 
repentance ; in which they act not only unlike 
their master, but contrary to his express commands. 

It is true, good men have been used thus in for- 
mer times ; and all the comfort I have is, that these 
men have not the last judgment in their hands : if 
they had, dreadful would be the case of those who 
oppose them. But that day will show many men 
and things also in a different state from what they 
may now appear in. Some that now appear clear 
and fair will then be seen to be black and foul, and 
some that are now thought black and foul will then 
be approved and accepted ; and thither I cheerfully 
appeal, concluding this part in the words of the 
prophet, 1 heard the defaming of many ; fear on 
every side ; report, say they, and we will report it ; 
all my familiars watched for my halting, saying, 
peradventure he will be enticed, and we shall pre- 
vail against him, and we shall take our revenge on 
him. Jer. xx. 10. 

Mr. Poole's Annotations has the following remarks 
on these lines ; which, I think, are so much to that 
part of my case which is to follow, that I do not 
omit them. The words are these : — 

"The prophet," says he, "here rendereth a rea- 
son why he thought of giving over his work as a 
prophet ; his ears were continually filled with the 
obloquies and reproaches of such as reproached 
him ; and besides, he was afraid on all hands, there 



were so many traps laid for him, so many devices 
devised against him. They did not only take ad- 
vantage against him, but sought advantages, and 
invited others to raise stories of him ; not only 
strangers, but those that he might have expected 
the greatest kindness from ; those that pretended 
most courteously ; ' They watch,' says he, 6 for 
opportunities to do me justice, and lay in wait for 
my halting, desiring nothing more than that I 
might be enticed to speak, or do something which 
they might find matter of a colourable accusation, 
that so they might satisfy their malice upon me.' 
This hath always been the genius of wicked men. 
Job and David both made complaints much like 
this." These are Mr. Poole's words. 

And this leads me to several particulars, in which 
my case may, without any arrogance, be likened to 
that of the sacred prophet, excepting the vast dis- 
parity of the persons. 

No sooner was the queen dead, and the king, as 
right required, proclaimed, but the rage of men in- 
creased upon me to that degree, that the threats and 
insults I received were such as I am not able to 
express. If I offered to say a word in favour of the 
present settlement, it was called fawning, and turn- 
ing round again ; on the other hand, though I have 
meddled neither one way nor the other, nor written 
one book since the queen's death, yet a great many 
things are called by my name, and I bear every day 
the reproaches which all the answerers of those 
books cast, as well upon the subjects as the authors. 
I have not seen or spoken to my lord of Oxford but 
once since the king's landing, nor received the least 
message, order, or writing from his lordship, or any 
other way corresponded with him, yet he bears the 
reproach of my writing in his defence, and I the 



rage of men for doing it. I cannot say it is no 
affliction to me to be thus used, though my being 
entirely clear of the facts is a true support to me. 

I am unconcerned at the rage and clamour of 
party men ; but I cannot be unconcerned to hear 
men, who I think are good men and good Christians, 
prepossessed and mistaken about me. However, I 
cannot doubt but some time or other it will please 
God to open such men's eyes. A constant, steady 
adhering to personal virtue and to public peace, 
which, I thank God, I can appeal to him has always 
been my practice, will at last restore me to the opi- 
nion of sober and impartial men, and that is all I 
desire. What it will do with those who are reso- 
lutely partial and unjust, I cannot say, neither is 
that much my concern. But I cannot forbear giv- 
ing one example of the hard treatment I receive, 
which has happened even while I am writing this 
tract. I have six children ; I have educated them 
as well as my circumstances will permit, and so as 
I hope shall recommend them to better usage than 
their father meets with in this world. 

I am not indebted one shilling in the world for 
any part of their education, or for anything else be- 
longing to their bringing up ; yet the author of the 
Flying Post published lately that I never paid for 
the education of any of my children. If any man 
in Britain has a shilling to demand of me for any 
part of their education, or anything belonging to 
them, let them come for it. 

But these men care not what injurious things 
they write, nor what they say, whether truth or not, 
if it may but raise a reproach on me, though it were 
to be my ruin. I may well appeal to the honour 
and justice of my worst enemies in such cases as this : 

Conscia mens recti fama mendacia ridet. 



While this was at the press, and the copy thus far 
finished, the author was seized with a violent fit of 
an apoplexy, whereby he was disabled finishing 
what he designed in his further defence; and con- 
tinuing now for above six weeks in a weak and lan- 
guishing condition, neither able to go on nor likely 
to recover, at least in any short time, his friends 
thought it not fit to delay the publication of this 
any longer. If he recovers he may be able to finish 
what he began ; if not, it is the opinion of most 
that know him that the treatment which he here 
complains of, and some others that he would have 
spoken of, have been the apparent cause of his. 

A Seasonable 



Against the 


Of Papists and Jacobites 

In Favour of the 


Being a LETTER from an ENGLISH- 
MAN at the Court of HANOVER. 

And thou shalt teach these Words diligently 
unto thy Children, and shalt talk of them 
when thou sittest in thy House, and when 
thou walkest by the Way. Deut. vi. 9. 

And what thou seest write in a Book. Rev. i. 11. 

L ONDON: Printed for J. Baker, at the 
Black-Boy in Pater- Noster- Row. 1712. 





Why how now, England ! what ailest thee now ? 
What evil spirit now possesseth thee ! O thou 
nation famous for espousing religion, and defending 
liberty ; eminent in all ages for pulling down ty- 
rants a , and adhering steadily to the fundamentals 
of thy own constitution b : that has not only secured 
thy own rights, and handed them down unimpaired 
to every succeeding age, but has been the sanc- 
tuary of other oppressed nations c ; the strong pro- 
tector of injured subjects against the lawless inva- 
sion of oppressing tyrants. 

To thee the oppressed protestants of France 
owed, for some ages ago, the comfort of being pow- 

a Edward II. Richard II. Richard III. James II. 

b In the several barons 1 wars in the reign of king Stephen, 
king John, &c. 

c Especially of the persecuted protestants in the Low 
Countries, in queen Elizabeth. 

p 2 



erfully supported, while their own king d , wheedled 
by the lustre of a crown, became apostate, and 
laid the foundation of their ruin among them- 
selves ; in thee their posterity e find a refuge, 
and flourish in thy wealth and trade, when reli- 
gion and liberty find no more place in their own 

To thee the distressed Belgii f owe the powerful 
assistance by which they took up arms in defence 
of liberty and religion, against Spanish cruelty, the 
perfidious tyranny of their kings, and the rage of 
the bloody duke d'Alva. 

From thee the confederate Hollanders g received 
encouragement to join in that indissoluble union 
which has since reduced the invincible power of the 
Spaniards, and from whence has been raised the 
most flourishing commonwealth in the world. 

By thy assistance they are become the bulwark 
of the protestant religion, and of the liberties of 
Europe ; and have many times since gratefully em- 
ployed that force in thy behalf ; and, by their help, 
thou, who first gavest them liberty, hast more than 
once rescued and preserved thy own. 

To thee the present protestant nations 11 of Eu- 
rope owe their being at this day freed from the 
just apprehensions of the growing greatness of 

d Henry IV., who turned papist, and with much difficulty 
granted liberty to his protestant subjects by the edict of 

e The French refugees, who being received here, are grown 
rich and wealthy by our trade. 

f The Flemings, when threatened with the inquisition from 
Spain, under the reign of Philip II. 

s Under William Henry, the first prince of Orange, who 
formed the revolt of the Dutch provinces, and laid the foun- 
dation of the States General and their commonwealth. 

h The circles of Swabia and Franconia, the Palatinate, and 
the countries of Hessia, Wirtemberg, and others. 



France ; and to thy power, when acting by the glo- 
rious protector of thy liberty, king William, is the 
whole Christian world indebted for depriving the 
French tyrant of the hopes and prospect of univer- 
sal monarchy. 

To thy blood, thy treasure, the conduct of thy 
generals, and the vigour of thy councils, are due, 
the glory, the fame, the praises, and the advantages 
of twenty years' war, for the establishing and re- 
storing the liberty and religion of Europe. 

When posterity shall inquire into the particulars 
of this long and bloody war ; the battles, sieges, 
and stupendous marches of armies, which, as well 
with loss as with victory, have been the subject of 
thy history ; it will for ever be frequent in their 
mouths ; here the British troops, fighting with 
dreadful fury, and their usual constancy, shed their 
blood in defence of the protestant cause, and left a 
bloody victory to God's enemies and their own ; as 
at Steenkirk, Landen, Camaret, Almanza, Bri- 
henga, and the like : or, here the British troops, 
with their usual valour, carried all before them, and 
conquered in behalf of the protestant interest, 
and Europe's liberties ; as at Blenheim, Ramilies, 
Barcelona, Oudenard, Sarragossa, Blaregnies, &c. 
Here the British navies triumphed over French 
greatness ; as at Cherburgh, La Hogue, Gibraltar, 
&c. There their land forces reduced the most 
impregnable fortresses ; as at Namur, Lisle, Me- 
nin, Tournay, &c. 

And wherefore has all this English and British 
blood been spilt? Wherefore thy nation ex- 
hausted ; thy trade sunk and interrupted ; thy 
veins opened ? Why hast thou struggled thus long, 
and with so much vigour, as well with French ty- 
ranny abroad, as popish factions at home, but to 
preserve entire the religion and liberties of Europe, 



and particularly of this nation, and to preserve our 
posterity from slavery and idolatry? Principles 
truly noble, worthy a nation's blood to protect, and 
worthy a nation's treasure to save. 

But what has all this been for ? And to what 
intent and purpose was all this zeal, if you will sink 
under the ruin of the very fabric ye have pulled 
down ? If ye will give up the cause after ye have 
gained the advantage, and yield yourselves up after 
you have been delivered ; to what purpose then has 
all this been done ? Why all the money expended ? 
Why all this blood spilt ? To what end is France 
said to be reduced, and peace now concluded, if 
the same popery, the same tyranny, the same arbi- 
trary methods of government shall be received 
among you again ? Sure your posterity will stand 
amazed to consider how lavish this age has been of 
their money, and their blood, and to how little pur- 
pose ; since no age since the creation of the world 
can show us a time when ever any nation spent so 
much blood and treasure to end just where they 
begun : as, if the arts of our enemies prevail, we 
are like to do. 

Let us reason a little together on these things, 
and let us inquire a little, why, and for what reason 
Britain, so lately the glory of Europe ; so lately the 
terror of France, the bulwark of religion, and the 
destroyer of popery, should be brought to be the 
gazing-stock of the world? And why is it that 
her neighbours expect every hour to hear that 
she is going back to Egypt, and having given up 
her liberty, has made it her own choice to submit 
to the stripes of her taskmasters, and make bricks 
without straw. 

We that are Englishmen, and live from home 
among the protestants of other nations, cannot but 
be sensible of this alteration, and we bear the re- 



proaches of those who speak freely of the unhappy 
change which appears in the temper of our coun- 
trymen at home. It is astonishing to all the world 
to hear that the common people of England should 
be turned from the most rivetted aversions, to a 
coldness and indifferency in matters of popery and 
the pretender : that they, who with so unanimous a 
resolution deposed the late king James, as well for 
his invasions of their liberty as of their religion ; 
and who with such marks of contempt drove him 
and his pretended progeny out of the nation, 
should, without any visible alteration of circum- 
stances, be drawn in to favour the return of that 
race with all the certain additions of popish princi- 
ples in religion ; French principles in government ; 
revenge for family injuries ; restoration of abdicated 
and impoverished votaries ; and the certain support 
of a party at home, whose fortunes and losses must 
be restored and repaired out of the ruins of their 
country's liberties. 

To what purpose was the revolution ? Why did 
you mock yourselves at so vast an expense ? Why 
did you cry in your oppressions to God and the 
prince of Orange to deliver you ? Why did you rise 
as one man against king James and his popish ad- 
herents ? Why was your fury so great, and your 
opposition so universal, that although he had a good 
army of veteran, disciplined troops, and a powerful 
assistance from France ready to fall in and join 
him, yet they durst not, when put all together, ven- 
ture to look you in the face, but fled like darkness 
before the sun, like guilt before the sword of jus- 
tice ; or as a murderer from the avenger of blood ? 
Was it all, that you might the better weaken your- 
selves by ages of war, and they might return again, 
and bind you, like Samson, when your strength was 
departed ? 



When this was done, why did ye mock God with 
a thanksgiving and banter the world with your 
pretended praises to heaven for your deliverance ? 
Why, when you appeared by your representatives 
in convention and in parliament, did you make so 
many fast-days k , and days of prayer for the suc- 
cess of the arms you took up, and the war you car- 
ried on for the finishing and securing this great 
work, called the pulling down of popery ? Was it 
all, that after having spent twenty years of war, and 
a sea of blood, ruined trade, exhausted your trea- 
sure, and entailed vast debts on your posterity ; 
you should calmly open your doors to the fugi- 
tives you had found out, and let in again the popish 
tyranny you had driven away ? 

For what reason was it that you presented the 
crown to your benefactor, called him your deli- 
verer, and made him your king ; and having done 
so, maintained him upon the throne with so much 
vigour, fought under his banner in so many battles, 
and with so great animosity, and professed to stand 
by him against all his enemies at home and abroad ? 
Why is he in so many addresses 1 styled the rescuer 
of this nation from popery and slavery ? Why in so 
many acts of parliament 111 is he called the great 
deliverer of the nation ? Why in so many sermons 
preached to men, and prayers put up to God, has 
he the title of ' the instrument blessed by heaven 
to free these nations from popery and arbitrary go- 
vernment ?' Was all this done, that your posterity 
being brought back into the bondage their fathers 

' The Thanksgiving for the Revolution. 

k Monthly fasts appointed the first Wednesday of every 
month during the war in king William's time. 

1 Vid. The Collection of Addresses in king William's Reign. 

ra Act for Offering the Crown ; The Claim of Right ; Act 
for Security of his Majesty's Person and Government, &c. 



were delivered from, should with the same alacrity 
call him an invader, an usurper, a parricide, and 
their fathers, rebels and revolters. 

Why was the crown entailed by so many provi- 
sos, reserves, and limitations ? Why the names of 
every person that should succeed, so expressly and 
particularly mentioned and set down n ? Why so 
many acts of parliament 0 to secure that entail, and 
punish with death those who should reject or oppose 
it ? Why was the settlement of the crown thought 
to be of so much consequence to the public good, 
that the two daughters of king James, the late 
blessed queen Mary, and her present royal majesty, 
thought themselves bound to agree to the same for 
the safety and peace of their country, though it was 
in prejudice of the right and possession of their own 
father ? Was it all, that the return of these things 
might be made upon the people with the greater 
weight, and that posterity might be prejudiced 
against the memory of the two royal sisters, as ac- 
cessary to the ruin of their own father ? 

Why was king James and his popish posterity 
entirely excluded for ever from enjoying the imperial 
crown of these realms p ? Why were so many acts of 
parliament made to extinguish the hopes of his race, 
and of their party, and for further security of her 
majesty's person and government? Why was the 
settlement of the succession in a protestant line 
made the principal reason of uniting the two king- 
doms together? And why was that union so vi- 

n Vid. The several Prayers ordered to be read in Churches 
upon the occasion of the Fasts in king William's time. 

° Vid. The Act of the Settlement, and the Act of the Union ; 
the Act to extinguish the hopes of the Jacobites ; and the Act 
for further securing her Majesty's Person and Government. 

p Vid. The Act of Parliament for settling the Succession of 
the Crown on the Illustrious House of Hanover. 



gorously opposed by all those that adhered to the 
jacobite interest ? Was this to illustrate the return 
of the abdicated line, and by the greatness of the 
nation's endeavour for keeping out the pretender, 
to justify his using them accordingly when he comes 
in ? 

Why was the union declared to be unalterable, 
and, as some say, the power thereby taken out of the 
hands of the British parliament to change the set- 
tlement of the crown, or to name any other persons 
than those of the illustrious house of Hanover to 
succeed ; and, above all, why was that severest of all 
oaths, the abjuration, contrived ; by which it is ren- 
dered impossible for this nation, upon any pretence 
whatsoever, to receive the pretender but with the 
black stigma of an abominable perjury ? Was this 
that, with the greater reverence to laws, and the 
greater regard to the solemnity of a national oath, 
we might all turn tail upon our principles, and in 
defiance of God and the laws, bow our knees to an 
abjured pretender? 

For God's sake Britons, what are you doing? 
And whither are ye going ? To what dreadful pre- 
cipices are ye hurrying yourselves ? What ! are you 
selling yourselves for slaves to the French who you 
have conquered; to popery which you have reformed 
from ; and to the pretender whom you have for- 
sworn ? Is this acting like Britons ; like protestants, 
like lovers of liberty ? Nay, is it acting like men of 
reasonable souls, and men who have the light of 
common sense to act by ? 

That we may move you, then, to consider a little 
the grossness and absurdity of what you are doing ; 
dear countrymen, be prevailed upon to debate a 
little with yourselves the state of your own case, 
which I shall briefly and plainly lay before you 
thus : — 



The government having thought fit for reasons of 
state, which I have no room to speak of in this 
place, to separate from the confederates, as well in 
the field as in treating with the French, and unhap- 
pily, I doubt, to make a separate peace ; among the 
several improvements made of this by the enemies of 
Britian, this is one, viz., to encourage and increase 
the friends and interest of the pretender, and this 
they do upon several foundations. 1. Upon a sup- 
position, or suggestion rather, that the ministry, be- 
cause they have not thought fit to carry on the war, 
are therefore coming so entirely into the interest of 
France, that they must of necessity comply with the 
French king's demand of restoring the pretender. 
2. Upon a like ill-grounded suggestion that the 
people of England and Scotland are more inclined 
to receive the pretender than they were formerly ; 
in both which suppositions they grossly impose upon 
you, and yet by both they subtly carry on their 
crafty designs to delude the more ignorant part of 
the people of this nation, and to prepare them, as 
they think, for the coming of the pretender : as ap- 
pears thus : — 

1. By persuading the common people that the 
ministry are for the pretender, they, as far as in 
them lies, make a breach, a misunderstanding, and 
lay a foundation of jealousy and distrust between 
the people and the government, enraging all those 
who are zealous for the Hanover succession, against 
the ministers of state, and so increasing the danger- 
ous divisions that are among us, the closing and 
healing whereof is so much the duty and interest of 
all faithful subjects, that they may the more unani- 
mously and sincerely join together against the pre- 
tender and all his adherents. 

2. They intimidate those great numbers of people 
who, not so much acting by principle as example, 



are unwilling to show themselves in any cause which 
they have reason to fear is declining, and therefore 
act with the less zeal for the true interest, by how 
much they see, or think they see, the great ones of 
the nation fall off from it. 

3. By suggesting that the common people of 
Great Britian are more inclined to the pretender 
than they were formerly, they think they bring them 
really to be so, and encourage all the endeavours of 
those who labour indefatigably all over the nation to 
have it so. 

To undeceive the good people of Britain, therefore, 
in these things, dear countrymen, I beseech you to 

1. That whatever we may dislike of the proceed- 
ings of the ministry, and of the government, of which 
this is not the place to speak, there is no greater 
cheat can be put upon you than this is ; for, what- 
ever the jacobite party may promise themselves from 
the ministry, the ministry do not yet own their 
measures to tend that way ; they do not act avowedly 
for the pretender ; they do all things yet upon the 
supposition of the protestant succession, and carry 
it as in the interest of the house of Hanover ; and 
to say they are for the pretender, is to charge them 
with the greatest treachery and hypocrisy, and is 
such an insolence in the jacobites, as the ministry 
ought to show their resentment at them for, and we 
hope they will do so ; besides, there is a manifest 
difference between the fears of honest men, as that 
the measures of the ministry may encourage the 
friends of the pretender ; and on the other hand, 
the insolent way of the jacobites claiming the minis- 
try to be acting in their behalf ; while therefore the 
ministry appear to act under the scheme of the 
Hanover succession, whether they are sincere or no, 
it is a good answer to a jacobite, whatever it is to 



another, to say, it is an unjustifiable assurance, and 
an affront to the government, to boast of the minis- 
try being in the interest of the pretender. 

It is also well worthy the consideration of the 
good people of Britain, that at the same time these 
men would have you believe that the ministers of 
state are bringing in the pretender, they would also 
have the ministers of state made believe, that the 
generality of the people are inclined to receive the 
pretender ; by which double-faced fraud they en- 
deavour to restrain you, the people of Britain, from 
appearing against the pretender, for fear of offending 
the government; and to restrain the said government 
in the same case, for fear of the people. 

As they go on in these things with too much 
success, it is a very sad consideration to all true British 
protestants to find that a party of men among us, who 
yet call themselves protestants, fall in with them in 
many things, fomenting the divisions and breaches 
that are among us, weakening the constitution, 
and pursuing such principles as tend to destroy our 
liberties ; by whose arts, and by the subtle manage- 
ment of which party, the revolution wears every day 
more and more out of date ; the principles of liberty 
decay ; the memory of king William sinks in our 
esteem; the heroic actions of that prince, which 
were once the just admiration of all the honest 
people of Great Britain, begin to be lost upon us, 
and forgotten among us, and to become as a mark 
of infamy to the nation ! 

Every considering protestant cannot but observe 
with horror, what swarms of popish priests from 
abroad, and jacobite emissaries at home, are spread 
about among us, and busily employed to carry on 
these wicked designs ; how in disguise they run up 
and down the countries, mingling themselves in all 
companies, and in coffeehouses, and private conver- 



sation, endeavouring to insinuate with all possible 
subtlety, favourable notions of the pretender into 
the minds of the people, thereby to pave the way, 
and to prepare you for receiving him ; such as, that 
he is the lawful son of king James ; that he is a 
protestant in his heart; that he will abjure the 
errors of popery as soon as he has an opportunity ; 
that the late king William promised to prove him a 
bastard, but never could do it ; that it is hard to reject 
him for what was none of his own fault, and the like. 

Although thinking men can and do see thrpugh 
these things, yet, as they are calculated and pre- 
pared to deceive the ignorant people in the coun- 
try, it is earnestly desired of those who have 
their eyes open to the said popish delusions, that 
they would endeavour to undeceive their brethren 
and neighbours, and earnestly persuade them not to 
be imposed upon by the jesuitical insinuations of 
the popish faction, furnishing the poor honest peo- 
ple with just reasons for their adhering to the pro- 
testant settlement, and full answers to those who go 
about to deceive them : which answers are such as 
follow : — 

1. It seems absolutely necessary to remind them 
of the reason of the late revolution ; how king 
James II., by his popish counsellors, priests and 
jesuits, had laid the foundation of overwhelming all 
our liberties, in an arbitrary tyrannical govern- 
ment, ruling us without a parliament to redress our 
grievances, and by a standing army, to execute 
forcibly his absolute commands ; how he had en- 
gaged in the overthrow of our religion, by under- 
mining the constitution of the church of England, 
erecting an arbitrary ecclesiastical commission to 
dispossess our universities, and displace our minis- 
ters in every parish, and then to establish popery 
throughout the whole nation. 



2. That in this distress, the whole nation applied 
themselves to the prince of Orange, whose right to 
the succession made him justly appear as the pro- 
per person to assist and relieve this oppressed peo- 
ple ; which prince came over at our invitation, was 
blessed with success, and all the favourers of popery 
and tyranny sunk at once; king James fled with 
his queen, and that person whom he called his son, 
and whom we now call justly the pretender. 

3. Concerning the birth of this person, the nobi- 
lity and gentry of England who invited over the 
prince, as may be seen by the memorial they pre- 
sented to his highness, alleged, that there were 
violent presumptions that he was not born of the 
queen's body, which however they desired to leave 
to examination in a free parliament ; which also the 
said prince expressed in his declaration, and that he 
was willing to leave the same to a free parliament. 

4. That before a free parliament could be ob- 
tained, king James withdrew himself, and carried 
away his pretended son into the hands of the an- 
cient enemies of this nation, and of our religion, 
the French, there to be educated in the principles 
of popery and enmity to this his native country. 

By which action he not only declined to refer the 
legitimacy of his said son to the examination of the 
parliament, as the prince of Orange had offered in 
his said declaration, but made such examination 
altogether useless and impracticable, he himself 
(king James) not owning it to be a legal parliament, 
and therefore not consenting to stand by such ex- 

By the said abdication, and carrying away his 
said pretended son into the hands of the French to 
be educated in popery, &c, he gave the parliament 
of England and Scotland abundant reason for ever 
to exclude the said king James and his said pre- 



tended son from the government of these realms, or 
from the succession to the same, and made it 
absolutely necessary for them to do so, if they 
would secure the protestant religion to themselves 
and their posterity ; and this without any regard to 
the doubt whether he was the lawful son of king 
James or no, since it is inconsistent with the con- 
stitution of this protestant nation to be governed by 
a popish prince. 

So that there is now no more room to examine 
whether the said pretender be the lawful son of 
king James ; or whether he is, or will turn to 
be a protestant, the examination of the legitimacy 
by parliament which was offered by the prince of 
Orange in his declaration, having been declined by 
his father, and himself having been delivered up 
into the hands of the sworn enemies both of our 
religion, constitution, and nation. 

If king James would have expected he should be 
received as his son, and succeed to his crowns, he 
should have suffered his birth to have been legally 
determined by the English and Scotch parliament 
at that time, and have left him in good protestant 
hands to have been educated in the protestant re- 
ligion, and in the knowledge of the laws and con- 
stitutions of his country ; in which case it was more 
than probable, had his birth appeared clear, and 
his hereditary right just, the parliament might have 
set the crown upon his head, and declared him king 
under the protection of their deliverer the prince of 
Orange : but to talk of it now, when his birth has 
never been examined or cleared up, and while he 
has been bred up to man's estate in popery, and 
that the worst sort, viz., French popery ; and after 
the parliament of the respective kingdoms uniting 
in one, have by an unalterable, indissolvable union, 
settled and entailed the crown upon another head, 



viz., the present queen, and entailed it after her 
majesty in the most illustrious house of Ha- 
nover, the next of blood in a protestant line : to 
talk now of proving the birth of the pretender, and 
of his abjuring his errors and turning protestant, 
this is a fraud so absurd and ridiculous, that we 
hope the people of Great Britain can never be 
blinded with it. 

Especially considering the party who talk of 
these things to us : and this ought to move the 
good people of Britain to receive the proposals of 
the pretender with indignation : for who are they, 
dear fellow-protestants ! that persuade you to these 
things ? Are they not the friends of France and 
Rome? Do not all the papists join with them? 
Do not all those who hated the revolution, and who 
long to restore arbitrary government join with 
them ? 

Why, if he will abjure the Romish errors and 
turn protestant, why, I say, do the papists speak 
in his favour ? Do any sect of religion love apos- 
tates ! Those who forsake them and abjure them 
as heretical and erroneous ! If they were not well 
assured that whatever appearing change he may 
make, he will still retain a secret affection to 
popery, they could not be rationally supposed to 
speak in his behalf. 

But if that is not sufficient, what do they say 
to you as to his love of the liberty of his coun- 
try ? Has he been bred up in a tyrannical ab- 
solute court for nothing ? Can he have any no- 
tion of government there but what is cruel, op- 
pressive, absolute, and despotic ? What principles 
of government will he come over with ? and as he 
has sucked in tyranny with his milk, and knows no 
government but that of the most absolute monarch 
in the world, is this the man they would bring 




in to preserve the liberties and constitution of 
Britain ? 

When set upon the British throne, who are his 
allies and confederates ? Will he be so ungrateful 
as not to be always at the devotion and command 
of the French king ? a prince that took his father 
in a fugitive, an abdicated and ruined prince, when 
his fortunes were overthrown, and his crown taken 
from him ; that made so many efforts to restore him, 
and hazarded his whole kingdom for it : if he for- 
gets the kindness shown to his father, can he be so 
ungenerous, so unthankful, as to forget how the king 
of France nourished him from a child ; how, after 
his father's death, he hazarded a second war to pro- 
claim him king of Great Britain, and what expense 
he has been at to put him in possession of it? 
Should he forget all these obligations he must be 
yj unfit to be called a Christian, much less a prince. 

If he can act so barbarously to the French king 
his benefactor, what must you Britons expect from 
him, who have done nothing to oblige him, but 
have for twenty-four years kept him and his father 
in exile, and treated them both with unsufferable 
indignity ? If he can be ungrateful to the king of 
France, who has done so much for him, what must 
he be to you, who have done so much against him ? 

Again ; if gratitude and honour have any influ- 
ence upon him ; if he has any sense of his obliga- 
tion to the French king, will he not for ever be his 
most hearty, obedient, humble servant? Will he 
not always be in his interest, nay ought he not be 
so ? Is he not tied by the laws of friendship and 
gratitude to be so ? 

Think, then, dear Britons ! what a king this pre- 
tender must be ; a papist by inclination ; a tyrant 
by education ; a Frenchman by honour and obliga- 
tion : and how long will your liberties last you in 



this condition ? And when your liberties are gone, 
how long will your religion remain ? When your 
hands are tied ; when armies bind you ; when 
power oppresses you ; when a tyrant disarms you ; 
when a popish French tyrant reigns over you ; by 
what means or methods can you pretend to main- 
tain your protestant religion ? 

How shall the church of England stand, when in 
subjection to the church of Rome ? You are now 
mixed with dissenters, and some are uneasy enough 
with them too ; but our church will then be but a 
dissenting church ; popery will be the establish- 
ment ; the mass will succeed our common-prayer, 
and fire and fagot instead of toleration, as you 
know was our case before ; for it is not the first 
time the papists have been tried. 

Nor did queen Mary promise, nay, swear less 
than is now promised for the pretender ; for she 
swore to the Gospellers of Suffolk to make no alter- 
ation in religion ; and they, like the blinded pro- 
testants of this age, brought her in, for which they 
were the first that felt the fury and rage of the 
popish party, and so we have great cause to believe 
it would be again. 

The Conclusion. 

Consider, then, honest countrymen and protestants, 
what you are doing ; look on your families ; consi- 
der your innocent children, who you are going to 
give up to be bred in abominable superstition and 
idolatry ; look on your dear country which you are 
preparing to make the seat of war, blood, and confu- 
sion : look on your neighbours, who, while they are 
resisting this inundation, for you may be assured 
honest men will resist it to the last, you are to 
fight with, whose throats you must cut, and in 

Q 2 



whose blood you must dip your hands : and, lastly, 
consider yourselves ; how free, how quiet, how in 
peace, plenty, and in protestant liberty you now live, 
but are with your own hands pulling down upon 
you, so far as you entertain thoughts of the pre- 
tender, the walls of your own security, viz., the 
constitution, and making way for your French 
popish enemies to enter ; to whom your religion, 
your liberties, your estates, your families, and your 
posterity, shall be made a sacrifice, and this flourish- 
ing nation be entirely ruined. 

In the last place, all that have any concern left 
for the good of their country, and for the preserving 
the protestant religion, will remember how much it 
is in the power of the people of Britain for ever to 
discourage all the attempts to be made in favour of 
these popish enemies, and to overthrow them in 
the execution ; and it is on this foundation that this 
paper is made public. The late letter from Douay, 
written by some of that side, who very well under- 
stood the pretender's true interest, acknowledges 
this, and that if the people of England could not be 
wheedled and deluded into the design, it was never 
to be done by force. 

And is this your case, Britons ! Will you be 
ruined by a people whom you ought to despise? 
Have they not been twenty years trying your 
strength, till they find it impossible for them to 
master you ? And are they brought to such a con- 
dition as to use all their arts and shifts to bring on 
a peace : and will you be brought now in cool 
thoughts, and after so long a struggle, to do that 
yourselves which you would never let them do ; 
and which, without your most stupid negligence of 
yourselves, they could never do. 

For this reason, I say, these lines are written, 
and this makes them just, and the argument ra- 



tional. If I were to move you to what was not in 
your power, I should easily be answered, by being 
told, you could not do it ; that you were not able, 
and the like : but is it not evident that the unani- 
mous appearance of the people of Great Britain 
against the pretender would at once render all the 
party desperate, and make them look upon the de- 
sign as utterly impracticable. As their only hope 
is in the breaches they are making in your resolu- 
tions, so if they should see they gain no ground 
there, they would despair, and give it over. 

It would not be worth notice, to inquire who are, 
or who are not for the pretender: the invidious 
search into the conduct of great men, ministers of 
state and government, would be labour lost : no 
ministry will ever be for the pretender, if they once 
may but be convinced that the people are steady ; 
that he gets no ground in the country ; that the 
aversions of the common people to his person and 
his government are not to be overcome : but if you, 
the good people of England, slacken your hands ; if 
you give up the cause ; if you abate your zeal for 
your own liberties, and for the protestant religion ; 
if you fall in with popery and a French pretender ; 
if you forget the revolution, and king William, what 
can you expect? who can stand by you then? Who 
can save them that will destroy themselves ? 

The work is before you ; your deliverance, your 
safety is in your own hands, and therefore these 
things are now written : none can give you up ; 
none can betray you but yourselves ; none can 
bring in popery upon you but yourselves ; and if 
you could see your own happiness, it is entirely in 
your power, by unanimous, steady adhering to your I 
old principles, to secure your peace for ever. O 
Jerusalem ! Jerusalem ! 








How far the Abdication of King James, sup- 
posing it to be Legal, ought to affect the 
Person of the 


Si Populus vult Decipi, Decipiatur. 


Printed for J. Baker, at the Black-Boy in Pater- 
Nosier-Row, 1713. [Price 6d.) 





What strife is here among you all ? And what a 
noise about who shall or shall not be king, the 
Lord knows when ? Is it not a strange thing we 
cannot be quiet with the queen we have, but 
we must all fall into confusion and combustions 
about who shall come after ? Why, pray folks, 
how old is the queen, and when is she to die ? 
that here is this pother made about it. I have 
heard wise people say the queen is not fifty years 
old, that she has no distemper but the gout, that 
that is a long-life disease, which generally holds 
people out twenty, or thirty, or forty years ; and 
and let it go how it will, the queen may well 
enough linger out twenty or thirty years, and not 
be a huge old wife neither. Now, what say the 
people, must we think of living twenty or thirty 
years in this wrangling condition we are now in ? 
This would be a torment worse than some of the 
Egyptian plagues, and would be intolerable to bear, 
though for fewer years than that. The animosities 



of this nation, should they go on, as it seems 
they go on now, would by time become to such a 
height, that all charity, society, and mutual agree- 
ment among us, will be destroyed. Christians 
shall we be called ! No ; nothing of the people 
called Christians will be to be found among us. 
Nothing of Christianity, or the substance of Chris- 
tianity, viz., charity, will be found among us ! The 
name Christian may be assumed, but it will be all 
hypocrisy and delusion ; the being of Christianity 
must be lost in the fog, and smoke, and stink, and 
noise, and rage, and cruelty, of our quarrel about a 
king. Is this rational ? Is it agreeable to the true 
interest of the nation ? What must become of 
trade, of religion, of society, of relation, of families, 
of people ? Why, hark ye, you folk that call 
yourselves rational, and talk of having souls, is 
this a token of your having such things about 
you, or of thinking rationally ; if you have, pray 
what is it likely will become of you all ? Why, 
the strife is gotten into your kitchens, your par- 
lours, your shops, your counting-houses, nay, 
into your very beds. You gentlefolks, if you 
please to listen to your cookmaids and footmen in 
your kitchens, you shall hear them scolding, and 
swearing, and scratching, and fighting among 
themselves ; and when you think the noise is 
about the beef and the pudding, the dish-water, 
or the kitchen-stuff, alas, you are mistaken, the 
feud is about the more mighty affairs of the 
government, and who is for the protestant suc- 
cession, and who for the pretender. Here the 
poor despicable scullions learn to cry, High- 
Church, No Dutch Kings, No Hanover, that they 
may do it dexterously when they come into the 
next mob. Here their antagonists of the drip- 
ping-pan practise the other side clamour, No 



French Peace, No Pretender, No Popery. The 
thing is the very same up one pair of stairs, in 
the shops and warehouses the apprentices stand 
some on one side of the shop, and some on the 
other, (having trade little enough,) and there they 
throw high-church and low- church at one an- 
other's heads like battledore and shuttlecock ; in- 
stead of posting their books, they are fighting 
and railing at the pretender and the house of 
Hanover ; it were better for us certainly that 
these things had never been heard of. If we go 
from the shop one story higher into our family, 
the ladies, instead of their innocent sports and 
diversions, they are all falling out one among an- 
other ; the daughters and the mother, the mo- 
thers and the daughters ; the children and the 
servants ; nay, the very little sisters one among 
another. If the chambermaid is a slattern, and 
does not please, Hang her, she is a jade ; or I 
warrant she is a highflier ; or, on the other side, 
I warrant she is a whig ; I never knew one of 
that sort good for anything in my life. Nay, go to 
your very bedchambers, and even in bed, the man 
and wife shall quarrel about it. People ! people ! 
what will become of you at this rate ? If ye 
cannot set man and wife together, nor your sons 
and daughters together, nay, nor your servants 
together, how will ye set your horses together, 
think ye ? And how shall they stand together 
twenty or thirty years, think ye, if the queen should 
live so long ? Before that time comes, if you are 
not reduced to your wits, you will be stark mad ; 
so that unless yon can find in your hearts to agree 
about this matter beforehand, the condition you are 
in, and by that time will in all likelihood be in, will 
ruin us all ; and this is one sufficient reason why we 
should say nothing, and do nothing about the sue- 



cession, but just let it rest where it is, and en- 
deavour to be quiet; for it is impossible to live 
thus. Further, if Hanover should come while we 
are in such a condition, we shall ruin him, or he us, 
that is most certain. It remains to inquire what 
will be the issue of things. Why, first, if ye will 
preserve the succession, and keep it right, you must 
settle the peace of the nation ; we are not in a con- 
dition to stand by the succession now, and if we go 
on we shall be worse able to do so ; in his own 
strength Hanover does not pretend to come, and if 
he did he must miscarry ; if not in his own, in 
whose then but the people of Britain ? And if the 
people be a weakened, divided, and deluded people, 
and see not your own safety to lie in your agreement 
among yourselves, how shall such weak folk assist 
him, especially against a strong enemy ; so that it 
will be your destruction to attempt to bring in the 
house of Hanover, unless you can stand by and de- 
fend him when he is come ; this will make you all 
like Monmouth's men in the west, and you will find 
yourselves lifted up to halters and gibbets, not to 
places and preferments. Unless you reconcile your- 
selves to one another, and bring things to some 
better pass among the common people, it will be 
but to banter yourselves to talk of the protestant 
succession ; for you neither will be in a condition 
to bring over your protestant successor, or to sup- 
port him on the throne when you have brought 
him ; and it will not be dented, but to make the 
attempt, and not succeed in it, is to ruin your- 
selves ; and this I think a very good reason against 
the succession of the house of Hanover. 

Another argument relates something to the family 
of Hanover itself. Here the folk are continually fight- 
ing and quarrelling with one another to such a de- 
gree as must infallibly weaken and disable the whole 


body of the nation, and expose them to any enemy, 
foreign or domestic. What prince, think you, will 
venture his person with a party or a faction, and 
that a party crushed, and under the power of their 
enemy ; a party who have not been able to support 
themselves or their cause, how shall they support and 
defend him when he comes ? And if they cannot be 
in a posture to defend and maintain him when they 
have him, how shall he be encouraged to venture 
himself among them ? To come over and make 
the attempt here according to his just claim and 
the laws of the land would be indeed his advantage, 
if there was a probability that he should succeed, 
otherwise the example of the king of Poland is suf- 
ficient to warn him against venturing while the 
nation is divided, and together by the ears, as they 
are here. The whole kingdom of Poland, we see, 
could not defend king Augustus against the Swedes 
and their pretender ; but though he had the majo- 
rity, and was received as king over the whole king- 
dom, yet it being a kingdom divided into factions 
and parties, and those parties raging with bitter 
envy and fury one against another, even just as 
ours do here, what came of it but the ruin of king 
Augustus, who was as it were a prisoner in his 
own court, and was brought to the necessity of ab- 
dicating the crown of Poland, and of acknowledg- 
ing the title of the pretender to that crown. Now 
what can the elector of Hanover expect if he should 
make the attempt here while we are in this divided 
factious condition, while the pretender, backed by 
his party at home, shall also have the whole power 
of France to support him, and place him upon the 
throne ? 

Let us but look back to a time when the very same 
case almost fell out in this nation ; the same many 
ways it was, that is, in the case of queen Mary I., 



your bloody papist persecuting queen Mary and the 
lady Jane Dudley, or Grey. The late king Edward 
VI. had settled the protestant succession upon the 
lady Jane; it was received universally as the pro- 
testant succession is now. The reasons which 
moved the people to receive it were the same, i. e., 
the safety of the protestant religion, and the liber- 
ties and properties of the people ; all the great men 
of king Edward's court and council came readily 
into this succession, and gave their oaths, or what 
was in those days, (whatsoever it may be now,) 
thought equal to an oath, viz., their honour, for the 
standing by the successor in her taking possession 
of her said just right. Mary, daughter of Catherine 
of Spain, was the pretender ; her mother was abdi- 
cated, (so we call it in this age,) repudiated, they 
called it, or divorced. Her daughter was adjudged 
illegitimate or spurious, because the marriage of 
her mother was esteemed unlawful ; just as our pre- 
tender is by this nation suggested spurious, by rea- 
son of the yet unfolded mysteries of his birth. 
Again, that pretender had the whole power of 
Spain, which was then the most dreaded of any in 
the world, and was just what the French are now, 
viz., the terror of Europe. If queen Mary was to 
have the crown, it was allowed by all that England 
was to be governed by Spanish councils, and Spa- 
nish maxims, Spanish money, and Spanish cruelty. 
J ust as we say now of the pretender, that if he was 
to come in we shall be all governed by French 
maxims, French councils, French money, and French 
tyranny. In these things the pretender (Mary) at 
that time was the parallel to our pretender now, 
and that with but very little difference. Besides 
all this, she was a papist, which was directly con- 
trary to the pious design of king Edward in propa- 
gating the reformation. Exactly agreeing these 


things were with our succession, our pretender, our 
king William and his design, by settling the suc- 
cession for the propagating the revolution, which is 
the reformation of this day, as the reformation was 
the revolution of that day. After this formal set- 
tling of the succession the king (as kings and 
queens must) dies, and the lords of the council, 
as our law calls them, they were the same thing, 
suppose lords justices, they meet and proclaim their 
protestant successor, as they were obliged to do ; 
and what followed? Had they been unanimous, 
had they stuck to one another, had they not divided 
into parties, high and low, they had kept their pro- 
testant successor in spite of all the power of Spain, 
but they fell out with one another ; high protestants 
against low protestants ? and what was the conse- 
quence ? One side to ruin the other brought in the 
pretender upon them, and so Spanish power as it 
was predicted, came in upon them, and devoured 
them all. Popery came in, as they feared, and all 
went to ruin ; and what came of the protestant 
successor ? Truly they brought her to ruin. For 
first bringing her in, and then, by reason of their 
own strife and divisions, not being able to maintain 
her in the possession of that crown, which at their 
request she had taken, she fell into her enemies' 
hand, was made a sacrifice to their fury, and 
brought to the block. What can be a more lively 
representation of our case now before us ? He must 
have small sense of the state of our case, I think, 
who in our present circumstances can desire the 
Hanover succession should take place. What ! would 
you bring over the family of Hanover to have them 
murdered ? No, no, those that have a true value 
for the house of Hanover, would by no means de- 
sire them to come hither, or desire you to bring 
them on such terms ; first let the world see you are 



in a condition to support and defend them, that the 
pretender, and his power and alliances of any kind, 
shall not disperse and ruin him and you together ; 
first unite and put yourselves into a posture that 
you may defend the succession, and then you may 
have it ; but as it stands now, good folks, consider 
with yourselves what prince in Europe will venture 
among us, and who that has any respect or value 
for the house of Hanover can desire them to come 

These are some good reasons why the succession 
of the house of Hanover should not be our present 
view. Another reason may be taken from the ex- 
ample of the good people in the days of king Edward 
VI. they were very good religious people, that must 
be allowed by all sides, and who had very great zeal 
for the protestant religion and the reformation, as it 
was then newly established among them ; and this 
zeal of theirs appeared plainly in a degree we can 
scarce hope for among the protestants of this age, 
viz., in their burning for it afterwards ; yet such was 
their zeal for the hereditary right of their royal 
family, that they chose to fall into the hands of 
Spanish tyranny, and of Spanish popery, and let the 
protestant religion and the hopes of its establishment 

go to the d 1, rather than not have the right line 

of their princes kept up, and the eldest daughter of 
their late king Henry come to the crown. Upon 
this principle they forsook their good reforming king 
Edward's scheme, rejected the protestant succession, 
and they themselves, protestants, sincere protestants, 
such as afterwards died at a stake for their religion, 
the protestant religion ; yet they brought in the pre- 
tender according to their principles, and run the 
risk of what could follow thereupon. Why should 
we think it strange then that protestants now in this 
age, and church of England protestants too, should 


be for a papish pretender ? no doubt but they may 
be as good protestants as the Suffolk men in queen 
Mary's time were, and if they are brought to it, will 
go as far, and die at a stake for the protestant reli- 
gion, and in doing this, no doubt, but it is their real 
prospect to die at a stake, or they would not do it to 
be sure. Now the protestant religion, the whole 
work of reformation, the safety of the nation, both 
as to their liberties and religion, the keeping out 
French or Spanish popery, the dying at a stake, and 
the like, being always esteemed things of much less 
value than the faithful adhering to the divine rule of 
keeping the crown in the right line, let any true 
protestant tell me, how can we pretend to be for the 
Hanover succession? It is evident that the divine 
hereditary right of our crown is the main great article 
now in debate. You call such a man the pretender, 
but is he not the son of our king ? And if so, what is 
the protestant religion to us? Had we not much 
better be papists than traitors? Had we not much 
better deny our God, our baptism, our religion, and 
our lives, than deny our lawful prince, our next male 
in a right line ? If popery comes, passive obedience 
is still our friend ; we are protestants ; we can die, 
we can burn, we can do anything but rebel ; and 
this being our first duty, viz., to recognise our right- 
ful sovereign, are we not to do that first ? And if 
popery or slavery follow, we must act as becomes us. 
This being then orthodox doctrine, is equally a sub- 
stantial reason why we should be against the Hano- 
ver succession. 

There may be sundry other reasons given why we 
should not be for this new establishment of the suc- 
cession, which though perhaps they may not seem so 
cogent in themselves, have yet a due force, as they 
stand related to other circumstances, which this na- 
tion is at present involved in, and therefore are only 




left to the consideration of the people of these times. 
No question but every honest Briton is for a peace- 
able succession ; now if the pretender comes, and is 
quietly established on the throne, why then you 
know there is an end of all our fears of the great and 
formidable power of France ; we have no more need 
to fear an invasion, or the effects of leaving France 
in a condition by the peace to act against us, and 
put the pretender upon us; and therefore peace 
being of so much consequence to this nation, after 
so long and so cruel a war, none can think of enter- 
ing upon a new war for the succession without great 
regret and horror. Now it cannot be doubted but 
the succession of Hanover would necessarily involve 
us again in a war against France, and that perhaps 
when we may be in no good case to undertake it, for 
these reasons. 1. Perhaps some princes and states 
in the world by that time, seeing the great increase 
and growth of French power, may think fit to change 
their sentiments, and rather come over to that 
interest for want of being supported before, than be 
willing to embark against France, and so it may 
not be possible to obtain a new confederacy in the 
degree and extent of it, which we have seen it in, 
or in any degree suitable to the power of France ; 
and if so, there may be but small hopes of success 
in case of a new rupture ; and any war had better 
be let alone than be carried on to loss, which often 
ends in the overthrow of the party or nation who 
undertake it, and fails in the carrying it on. 2. 
France itself, as well by the acquisition of those 
princes who may have changed sides, as above, as 
by a time for taking breath after the losses they 
have received, may be raised to a condition of supe- 
rior strength, and may be too much an over-match 
for us to venture upon ; and if he thinks fit to send 
us the person we call the pretender, and order us to 


take him for our king, and this when we are in no 
condition to withstand him, prudence will guide us 
to accept of him ; for all people comply with what 
they cannot avoid ; and if we are not in a condition 
to keep him out, there wants very little consultation 
upon the question, whether we shall take him in ? 
or no ? Like this is a man, who being condemned to 
be hanged, and is in irons in the dungeon at New- 
gate, when he sees all possibility either of pardon 
from the queen, or escape out of prison, what does 
he resolve upon next ? What ! why he resolves to 
die. What should he resolve on? everybody sub- 
mits to what they cannot escape. People! People! 
if ye cannot resist the French king, ye must submit 
to a French pretender. There is no more to be 
said about that. 3. Then some allies, who it might 
be thought would be able to lend you some help in 
such a case as this is, may pretend to be disgusted 
at former usage, and say they were abandoned and 
forsaken in their occasion by us, and they will not 
hazard for a nation who disobliged them so much 
before, and from whom they have not received 
suitable returns for the debt of the revolution. And 
if these nations should take things so ill as to refuse 
their aid and assistance in a case of so much neces- 
sity as that of the succession, how shall we be able 
to maintain that attempt? And, as before, an attempt 
of that, or any other kind like that, is better unmade 
than ineffectually made. 4. Others add a yet further 
reason of our probable inability in such a case, viz., 
that the enemies of Britain have so misrepresented 
things to some of the neighbouring nations, our good 
friends and allies, as if we Britons had betrayed the 
protestant interest, and not atced faithfully to our 
confederacies and alliances, in which our reputation, 
it is pretended, has suffered so much, as not to merit 
to be trusted again in like cases, or that it should be 

R 2 



safe to depend upon our most solemn engagements. 
This, though it is invidious and harsh, yet if there 
may be any truth in it, as we hope there is not, may 
be added as a very good reason, why, after this war 
is over, we may be in no good case at all to under- 
take or to carry on a new war in defence of the new 
protestant succession, when it may come to be ne- 
cessary so to do. Since then the succession of Ha- 
nover will necessarily involve us in a new war 
against France, and for the reasons above, if they 
are allowed to be good reasons, we may not be in a 
condition to carry on that war, is not this a good 
reason why we should not in our present circum- 
stances be for that succession ? Other reasons may 
be taken from the present occasion the nation may 
lie under of preserving and securing the best admi- 
nistration of things that ever this nation was under 
in many ages ; and if this be found to be inconsistent 
with the succession of Hanover, as some feign, it is 
hoped none will say but we ought to consider what 
we do ; if the succession of Hanover is not consistent 
with these things, what reason have we to be for 
the said succession, till that posture of things be 
arrived when that inconsistency may be removed ? 
And now, people of Britain! be your own judges 
upon what terms you can think it reasonable to insist 
any longer upon this succession. I do not contend 
that it is not a lawful succession, a reasonable suc- 
cession, an established succession, nay, a sworn suc- 
cession ; but if it be not a practicable succession, 
and cannot be a peaceable succession ; if peace will 
not bring him in, and war cannot, what must we do? 
It were much better not to have it at all, than to 
have it and ruin the kingdom, and ruin those that 
claim it at the same time. 

But yet I have other reasons than these, and more 
cogent ones ; learned men say, some diseases in na- 


ture are cured by antipathies, and some by sympa- 
thies ; that the enemies of nature are the best pre- 
servatives of nature ; that bodies are brought down 
by the skill of the physician that they may the 
better be brought up, made sick to be made well, 
and carried to the brink of the grave in order to be 
kept from the grave ; for these reasons, and in order 
to these things, poisons are administered for physic ; 
or amputations in surgery, the flesh is cut that it 
may heal ; an arm laid open that it may close with 
safety ; and these methods of cure are said to be 
the most certain as well as most necessary in those 
particular cases, from whence it is become a prover- 
bial saying in physic, desperate diseases must have 
desperate remedies. Now it is very proper to 
inquire in this case whether the nation is not in 
such a state of health at this time, that the coming 
of the pretender may not be of absolute necessity, 
by way of cure of such national distempers which 
now afflict us, and that an effectual cure can be 
wrought no other way ? If upon due inquiry it 
should appear that we are not fit to receive such a 
prince as the successor of the house of Hanover is, 
that we should maltreat and abuse him if he were 
here, and that there is no way for us to learn the 
true value of a protestant successor so well as by 
tasting a little what a popish pretender is, and feel- 
ing something of the great advantages that may 
accrue to us by the superiority of a Jacobite party, 
if the disease of stupidity has so far seized us that 
we are to be cured only by poisons and fermenta- 
tions ; if the wound is mortified, and nothing but 
deep incisions, amputations, and desperate remedies 
must be used ; if it should be necessary thus to 
teach us the worth of things by the want of them ; 
and there is no other way to bring the nation to its 
senses ; why, what can be then said against the 



pretender? Even let him come that we may see 
what slavery means, and may inquire how the 
chains of French galleys hang about us, and how 
easy wooden shoes are to walk in ; for no experi- 
ence teaches so well as that we buy dearest, and 
pay for with the most smart. 

I think this may pass for a very good reason 
against the protestant succession : nothing is surer 
than that the management of king Charles II. and 
his late brother, were the best ways the nation 
could ever have taken to bring to pass the happy 
revolution ; yet these afflictions to the island were 
not joyous, but grievous, for the time they re- 
mained, and the poor kingdoms suffered great con- 
vulsions ; but what weighs that if these convulsions 
are found to be necessary to a cure? If the physicians 
prescribe a vomit for the cure of any particular dis- 
temper, will the patient complain of being made 
sick ? No, no ; when you begin to be sick, then we 
say, oh, that is right, and then the vomit begins to 
work ; and how shall the island of Britain spew out 
all the dregs and filth the public digesture has con- 
tracted, if it be not made sick with some French 
physic ? If you give good nourishing food upon a 
foul stomach, you cause that wholesome food to turn 
into filth, and instead of nourishing the man, it 
nourishes diseases in the man, till those diseases 
prove his destruction, and bring him to the grave. 
In like manner, if you will bring the protestant suc- 
cessor into the government before that government 
have taken some physic to cleanse it from the ill 
digesture it may have been under, how do we know 
but the diseases which are already begun in the con- 
stitution may not be nourished and kept up, till 
they may hereafter break out in the days of our 
posterity, and prove mortal to the nation. Where- 
fore should we desire the protestant successor to 


come in upon a foot of high-flying menage, and be 
beholden for their establishment to those who are 
the enemies of the constitution ? Would not this be 
to have in time to come the successors of that house 
be the same thing as the ages passed have already 
been made sick of, and made to spew out of the go- 
vernment ? Are not any of these considerations 
enough to make any of us averse to the protestant 
succession? No, no; let us take a French vomit 
first, and make us sick, that we may be well, and 
may afterwards more effectually have our health es- 

The pretender will no doubt bring us good medi- 
cines, and cure us of all our hypochondriac vapours 
that now make us so giddy. But, say some, he will 
bring popery in upon us ; popery, say you ! alas ! 
it is true, popery is a sad thing, and that say some 
folk ought to have been thought on before now ; 
but suppose then this thing called popery! How 
will it come in ? Why, say the honest folk, the pre- 
tender is a papist, and if a popish prince come upon 
the throne we shall have popery come in upon us 
without fail. Well, well, and what hurt will this be 
to you ? May not popery be very good in its kind ? 
What if this popery, like the vomit made of poison, 
be the only physic that can cure you ? If this vomit 
make you spew out your filth, your tory filth, your 
idolatrous filth, your tyrannic filth, and restore you 
to your health, shall it not be good for you ? Where 
pray observe in the allegory of physic ; you heard 
before when you take a vomit, the physic given you 
to vomit is always something contrary to nature, 
something that if taken in quantity would destroy; 
but how does it operate It attacks nature, and puts 
her upon a ferment to cast out what offends her ; 
but remark it, I pray, when the patient vomits, he 
always vomits up the physic and the filth together ; 



so, if the nation should take a vomit of popery, as 
when the pretender comes most certain it is that 
this will be the consequence, they will vomit up the 
physic and the filth together ; the popery and the 
pretender will come all up again, and all the popish, 
arbitrary, tyrannical filth, which has offended the 
stomach of the nation so long, and ruined its diges- 
ture, it will all come up together ; one vomit of po- 
pery will do us all a great deal of good, for the 
stomach of the constitution is marvellous foul. Ob- 
serve, people! this is no new application ; the nation 
has taken a vomit of this kind before now, as in queen 
Mary I. time ; the reformation was not well chewed, 
and being taken down whole, did not rightly digest, 
but left too much crudity in the stomach, from 
whence proceeded ill nourishment, bad blood, and 
a very ill habit of body in the constitution ; witness 
the distemper which seized the Gospellers in Suffolk, 
who being struck with an epilepsy or dead palsy in 
the better half of their understanding, to wit, the 
religious and zealous part, took up arms for a po- 
pish pretender, against the protestant successor, 
upon the wild-headed whimsey of the right line being 
jure divino. Well, what followed, I pray ? Why, 
they took a vomit of popery ; the potion indeed was 
given in a double vehicle, viz., of fagots a little in- 
flamed, and this worked so effectually, that the na- 
tion having vomited, brought up all the filth of the 
stomach, and the foolish notion of hereditary right, 
spewed out popery also along with it. Thus was po- 
pery, and fire and fagot, the most effectual remedy to 
cure the nation of all its simple diseases, and to 
settle and establish the protestant reformation ; and 
why then should we be so terrified with the appre- 
hensions of popery ? Nay, why should we not open 
our eyes and see how much to our advantage it may 
be in the next reign to have popery brought in, and 


to that end the pretender set up, that he may help 
us to this most useful dose of physic ? These are 
some other of my reasons against the protestant suc- 
cession ; I think they cannot be mended ; it may 
perhaps be thought hard of that we should thus seem 
to make light of so terrible a thing as popery, and 
should jest with the affair of the protestants ; no, 
people ! no ; this is no jest, taking physic is no jest 
at all ; for it is useful many ways, and there is no 
keeping the body in health without it ; for the cor- 
ruption of politic constitutions are as gross and as 
fatal as those of human bodies, and require as im- 
mediate application of medicines. And why should 
you people of this country be so alarmed, and seem 
so afraid of this thing called popery, when it is 
spoken of in intelligible terms, since you are not 
afraid alternately to put your hands to those 
things which as naturally tend in themselves to 
bring it upon you, as clouds tend to rain, or smoke 
to fire; what does all your scandalous divisions, 
your unchristian quarrellings, your heaping up re- 
proaches, and loading each other with infamy, and 
with abominable forgeries, what do these tend to 
but to popery ? If it should be asked how have these 
any such reference ? The question is most natural 
from the premises. If divisions weaken the nation ; 
if whig and tory, even united, are, and have been, 
weak enough to keep out popery ; surely then widen- 
ing the unnatural breaches, and inflaming things 
between them to implacable and irreconcilable 
breaches, must tend to overthrow the protestant 
kingdom, which, as our ever blessed Saviour said, 
when divided against itself cannot stand. Besides, 
are not your breaches come up to that height already 
as to let any impartial bystander see that popery 
must be the consequences ? Do not one party say 
openly, they had rather be papists than presbyterians ; 



that they would rather go to mass than to a meeting- 
house; and are they not to that purpose, all of them 
who are of that height, openly joined with the jaco- 
bites in the cause of popery ? On the other hand, are 
not the presbyterians in Scotland so exasperated at 
having the abjuration oath imposed upon them, con- 
trary, as they tell us, to their principles, that they 
care not if he, or any else, would come now and 
free them from that yoke ? What is all this but tell- 
ing us plainly that the whole nation is running into 
popery and the pretender ? Why then, while you 
are obliquely, and by consequences, joining your 
hands to bring in popery, why, O distracted folk ! 
should you think it amiss to have me talk of doing 
it openly and avowedly? Better is open enmity 
than secret guile ; better is it to talk openly, and 
profess openly, for popery, that you may see the 
shape and real picture of it, than pretend strong op- 
position of it, and be all at the same time putting 
your hands to the work, and pulling it down upon 
yourselves with all your might. 

But here comes an objection in our way, which, 
however weighty, we must endeavour to get over, 
and this is, what becomes of the abjuration ? If 
the pretender comes in we are all perjured, and we 
ought to be all unanimous for the house of Hanover, 
because we are all perjured if we are for the pre- 
tender. Perjured, say ye ! Ha ! why, do all these 
people say we are perjured already ? Nay, one, 
two, three, or four times ? What signify oaths and 
abjurations in a nation, where the parliament can 
make an oath to-day, and punish a man for keeping 
it to-morrow ! Besides, taking oaths without ex- 
amination, and breaking therri without consider- 
ation, hath been so much a practice, and the date 
of its original is so far back, that none, or but very 
few, know where to look for it ; nay, have we not 


been called in the vulgar dialect of foreign coun- 
tries 6 the swearing nation' ? Note, we do not say 
the forsworn nation ; for whatever other countries 
say of us, it is not meet we should say so of our- 
selves : but as to swearing and forswearing, asso- 
ciating and abjuring, there are very few without sin 
to throw the first stone, and therefore we may be 
the less careful to answer in this matter : it is evi- 
dent that the friends of the pretender cannot blame 
us ; for have not the most professed jacobites all 
over the nation taken this abjuration ? Nay, when 
even in their hearts they have all the while resolved 
to be for the pretender ? Not to instance in the 
swearing in all ages to and against governments, 
just as they were or were not, in condition to pro- 
tect us, or keep others out of possession : but we 
have a much better way to come off this than that, 
and we doubt not to clear the nation of perjury, by 
declaring the design, true intent, and meaning of 
the thing itself ; for the good or evil of every ac- 
tion is said to lie in the intention ; if then we can 
prove the bringing in the pretender to be done with 
a real intention and sincere desire to keep him out, 
or, as before, to spew him out ; if we bring in popery 
with an intention and a sincere design to establish 
the protestant religion ; if we bring in a popish 
prince with a single design the firmer and better to 
fix and introduce the protestant Hanover succes- 
sion, if, I say, these things are the true intent and 
meaning, and are at the bottom of all our actions in 
this matter, pray how shall we be said to be perjured, 
or to break in upon the abjuration, whose meaning 
we keep whatever becomes of the literal part of it. 
Thus we are abundantly defended from the guilt of 
perjury, because we preserve the design and intention 
upright and entire for the house of Hanover ; though 
as the best means to bring it to pass we think fit to 



bring in popery and the pretender : but yet further, 
to justify the lawfulness and usefulness of such kind 
of methods, we may go back to former experiments 
of the same case, or like cases, for nothing can illus- 
trate such a thing so aptly, as the example of emi- 
nent men who have practised the very same things 
in the same or like cases, and more especially when 
that practice has been made use of by honest men 
in an honest cause, and the end been crowned with 
success. This eminent example was first put in 
practice by the late famous earl of Sunderland, 
in the time of king James II., and that too in the 
case of bringing popery into England, which is the 
very individual article before us. This famous poli- 
tician, if fame lies not, turned papist himself, went 
publicly to mass, advised and directed all the for- 
ward rash steps that king James afterwards took 
towards the introducing of popery into the nation : 
if he is not slandered, it was he advised the set- 
ting up of popish chapels and masshouses in the 
city of London, and in the several principal towns 
of this nation ; the invading the right of corpora- 
tions, courts of justice, universities, and, at last, the 
erecting the high commission court, to sap the 
foundations of the church ; and many more of the 
arbitrary steps which that monarch took for the ruin 
of the protestant religion, as he thought, were 
brought about by this politic earl, purely with de- 
sign, and as the only effectual means to ruin the 
popish schemes, and bring about the establishment 
of the protestant religion by the revolution ; antf, 
as experience after made it good, he alone was in 
the right, and it was the only way left, the only 
step that could be taken, though at first it made us 
all of the opinion the man was going the ready way 
to ruin his country, and that he was selling us to 
popery and Rome. This was exactly our case ; the 


nation being sick of a deadly, and otherwise incur- 
able, disease, this wise physician knew that nothing 
but a medicine made up of deadly poison, that 
should put the whole body into convulsions, and 
make it cast up the dregs of the malady, would 
have any effect ; and so he applied himself accord- 
ingly to such a cure ; he brought on popery to the 
very door ; he caused the nation to swallow as much 
of it as he thought was enough to make her as sick 
as a horse, and then he foresaw she would spew up 
the disease and the medicine together ; the potion 
of popery he saw would come up with it, and so it did. 
If this be our case now, then it may be true that bring- 
ing the pretender is the only way to establish the pro- 
testant succession ; and upon such terms, and such 
only, I declare myself for the pretender. If any sort 
of people are against the succession of the house of 
Hanover on any other accounts, and for other reasons, 
it may not be amiss to know some of them, and a 
little to recommend them to those who have a mind 
to be for him, but well know not wherefore or why 
they are so inclined. 1. Some being instructed to 
have an aversion to all foreign princes or families 
are against the succession of the princes of Hano- 
ver, because, as they are taught to say, they are 
Dutchmen ; now, though it might as well be said of 
the pretender that he is a Frenchman, yet that 
having upon many accounts been made more familiar 
to them of late, and the name of a Dutch king 
having a peculiar odium left upon it, by the griev- 
ances of the late king William's reign, they can by 
no means think of another Dutch succession with- 
out abhorrence ; nay, the aversion is so much 
greater than their aversions to popery, that they 
can with much more satisfaction entertain the notion 
of a popish French pretender than of the best pro- 
tectant in the world, if he hath anything belonging 



to him that sounds like a Dutchman : and this is 
some people's reason against the Hanover succes- 
sion ; a reason which has produced various effects 
in the world since the death of that prince, even to 
creating national antipathies in some people to the 
whole people of Holland, and to wish us involved in 
a war with the Dutch without any foundation of a 
quarrel with them, or any reason for those aver- 
sions ; but these things opening a scene which 
relates to things further back than the subject we 
are now upon, we omit them here for brevity sake, 
and to keep more closely to the thing in hand at this 
time. Others have aversions to the Hanover suc- 
cession as it is the effect of the revolution, and as it 
may reasonably be supposed to favour such princi- 
ples as the revolution was brought about by, and 
has been the support of, viz., principles of liberty, 
justice, rights of parliaments, the people's liberties, 
free possession of property, and such like ; these 
doctrines, a certain party in this nation have always 
to their utmost opposed, and have given us reason 
to believe they hate and abhor them, and for this 
reason they cannot be supposed to appear forward 
for the Hanover succession; to these principles 
have been opposed the more famous doctrines of 
passive obedience, absolute will, indefeasible right, 
the jus divinum of the line of princes, hereditary 
right, and such like ; these, as preached up by that 
eminent divine, Dr. Henry Sacheverell, are so much 
preferable to the pretences of liberty and constitu- 
tion, the old republican notions of the whigs, that 
they cannot but fill these people with hatred against 
all those that would pretend to maintain the found- 
ation we now stand upon, viz., the revolution ; and 
this is their reason against the Hanover succession, 
which they know would endeavour to do so. 

Come we in the conclusion of this great matter 


to one great and main reason, which they say prevails 
with a great part of the nation at this time to be for 
the pretender, and which many subtle heads and 
industrious hands are now busily employed all over 
the kingdom to improve in the minds of the common 
people, this is the opinion of the legitimacy of the 
birth of the pretender ; it seems, say these men, 
that the poor commons of Britain have been all 
along imposed upon to believe that the person called 
the pretender was a spurious birth, a child fostered 
upon the nation by the late king and queen ; this 
delusion was carried on, say they, by the whigs in 
king William's time, and a mighty stir was made of 
it to possess the rabbles in favour of the revolution, 
but nothing was ever made of it ; king William, say 
they, promised in his declaration to have it referred 
to the decision of the English parliament, but when 
he obtained the crown he never did anything that 
way more than encourage the people to spread the 
delusion by scurrilous pamphlets to amuse the poor 
commons; have them take a thing for granted which 
could have no other thing made of it ; and so the 
judging of it in parliament was made a sham only ; 
and the people drinking in the delusion, as they 
who were in the plot desired, it has passed ever since 
as if the thing had been sufficiently proved. Now 
upon a more sedate considering the matter, say they, 
the case is clear that this person is the real son of 
king James, and the favourers of the revolution go 
now upon another foundation, viz., the powers of 
parliaments to limit the succession ; and that succes- 
sion being limited upon king James's abdication, 
which they call voluntary ; so that now, say they, 
the question about the legitimacy of the person 
called the pretender is over, and nothing now is to 
be said of it ; that he is the son of king James, there 



is, say they, no more room to doubt, and therefore 
the doctrine of hereditary right taking place, as the 
ancient professed doctrine of the church of England, 
there can be no objection against his being our law- 
ful king ; and it is contrary to the said church of 
England doctrine to deny it. This then is the pre- 
sent reason which the poor ignorant people are 
taught to give why they are against the protestant 
succession, and why they are easily persuaded to 
come into the new scheme of a popish pretender, 
though at the same time they are all heartily against 
popery as much as ever. 

It becomes necessary now to explain this case a 
little to the understanding of the common people, 
and let them know upon what foundation the right 
of these two parties is founded, and if this be done 
with plainness and clearness, as by the rights and 
laws of Englishmen and Britons appertaineth, the 
said commons of Britain may soon discover whether 
the succession of the house of Hanover, or the claim 
of the person called the pretender, is founded best, 
and which they ought to adhere unto, The first 
thing it seems to be made clear to the common 
people is, whether the pretender was the lawful son 
of king James, yea, or no? And why the contrary 
to this was not made appear, according to the pro- 
mises which, they say, though falsely, were made by 
the late king William ? In the first place is to be 
considered, that the declaration of the said king, 
when P. of O. putting the said case in the modestest 
manner possible, had this expression, That there 
were violent suspicions that the said person was not 
born of the queen's body, and that the prince re- 
solved to leave the same to the free parliament, to 
which throughout the said declaration the said 
prince declared himself ready to refer all the 


grievances which he came over to redress. I shall 
give you this in the words of a late learned author 
upon that head. 

That before a free parliament could be obtained, 
king James withdrew himself, and carried away his 
pretended son into the hands of the ancient enemies 
of this nation, and of our religion, viz., the French, 
there to be educated in the principles of enmity to 
this his native country. 

By which action he not only declined to refer the 
legitimacy of his said son to the examination of the 
parliament, as the prince of Orange had offered in 
his said declaration, but made such examination 
altogether useless and impracticable, he himself 
(king James) not owning it to be a legal parliament, 
and therefore not consenting to stand by such ex- 

By the said abdication, and carrying away his 
said pretended son into the hands of the French to 
be educated in popery, &c, he gave the parlia- 
ment of England and Scotland abundant reason for 
ever to exclude the said king James and his said 
pretended son from the government of these realms, 
or from the succession to the same, and made it 
absolutely necessary for them to do so, if they 
would secure the protestant religion to themselves 
and their posterity ; and this without any regard to 
the doubt, whether he was the lawful son of king 
James, or no, since it is inconsistent with the con- 
stitution of this protestant nation to be governed by 
a popish prince. 

The proof of the legitimacy being thus stated, and 
all the violent suspicions of his not being born of the 
queen being thus confirmed by the abdication of 
king James, come we next to examine how far this 
abdication could forfeit for this pretender, supposing 
him to be the real son of king James ; this returns 

life. s 



upon the right of the parliament to limit the suc- 
cession, supposing king James had had no son at 
all ; if the abdication be granted a lawfully making 
the throne vacant, it will be very hard to assign a 
cause why the parliament might not name a suc- 
cessor while the father was alive, whose right had 
no violent suspicions attending it, and not why 
they might not name a successor though the son 
was living ; that the father's abdication forfeited for 
the son is no part of the question before us : for 
the father is not said to forfeit his right at all; no 
one ever questioned his right to reign, nor, had he 
thought fit to have stayed, could the parliament have 
named a successor, unless, as in the case of Richard 
II. he had made a voluntary resignation or re- 
nunciation of the crown, and of his people's al- 
legiance ; but the king having voluntarily abdicated 
the throne, this was as effectual a releasing his sub- 
jects from their allegiance to him, as if he had read 
an instrument of resignation, just as king Richard 
did ; all the articles of such a resignation were na- 
turally contained in the said abdication, except the 
naming the successor, as effectually as if they had 
been at large repeated ; and since the resigning 
the crown has been formerly practised in England, 
and there is so eminent an example in our English 
history of the same, it will questionless be of use to 
the reader of these sheets to have the particulars of 
it before his eyes, which for that purpose is here set 
down at large, as it was done in the presence of a 
great number of English peers, who attended the 
king for that purpose, and is as follows : — 

In the name of God, Amen. I Richard, by the 
grace of God, king of England and France, and 
Lord of Ireland, do hereby acquit and discharge all 
Archbishops, Bishops^ Dukes, Marquisses, and Earls, 


Barons, Lords, and all other my subjects, both 
spiritual and secular, of what degree soever, from 
their oath of fealty and homage, and all other bonds 
of allegiance, to me due from them and their heirs, 
and do hereby release them from the said oath and 
allegiance, so far as they concern my person, for 

I also resign all my kingly majesty and dignity, 
with all the rights and privileges thereunto belonging, 
and do renounce all the title and claim which lever 
had, or have, to them. I also renounce the govern- 
ment of the said kingdom, and the name and royal 
highness thereunto belonging, freely and wholly, and 
swearing upon the Evangelists that I will never op- 
pose this my voluntary resignation, nor suffer it to 
be opposed, asjudginy myself not untvorthily deposed 
from my regal dignity for my deserts. 

This resignation being read again in parliament, 
they grounded the deposing king Richard upon it, 
and declared him accordingly deposed, that is, de- 
clared the throne vacant; and immediately, by virtue 
of their own undoubted right of limiting the suc- 
cession, named the successor. See the form in the 
history of that time thus: — 

That the throne was vacant by the voluntary 
cession and just deposition of king Richard II. and 
that therefore according to their undoubted poiver 
and right so to do, they ought forthwith to the 
naming a successor to fill the said throne, which 
they forthwith did, by naming and proclaiming 
Henry, duke of Lancaster, to be king, fyc. 

See the history of the kings of England, vol. fol. 

This was the same thing with king James's abdi- 

s 2 



cation, and king James's abdication was no less 
or more than an effectual resignation in form ; now 
the parliament, upon the resignation of the crown 
by the king, having a manifold and manifest right 
to supply the throne so become vacant, had no 
obligation to regard the posterity of the abdicated 
prince, so far as any of them are concerned in, or 
involved by, the said abdication, and therefore con- 
sidered of establishing and limiting the succession, 
without mentioning the reasons of the descent, hav- 
ing the reasons in themselves : but suppose the son of 
king James had been allowed legitimate, yet as the 
father had involved him in the same circumstances 
with himself, by first carrying him out of the king- 
dom, and afterwards educating him in the popish 
religion, he became abdicated also with his father : 
neither doth the being voluntary or not voluntary 
alter the case in the least, since in the laws of Eng- 
land a father is allowed to be able to forfeit for him- 
self and for his children, and much more may he 
make a resignation for himself and his children, 
as is daily practised and allowed in law in the cut- 
ting off entails and remainders, even when the heir 
entail is in being, and under age. The people of 
Britain ought not then to suffer themselves to be 
imposed upon in such a case ; for though the pre- 
tender were to be owned for the lawful son of king 
James, yet the abdication of king James his father, 
and especially his own passive abdication, was as 
effectual an abdication in him as if he had been of 
age, and done it voluntarily himself, and shall be 
allowed to be as binding in all respects in law as an 
heir in possession cutting off an heir entail. If this 
is not so, then was the settlement of the crown upon 
king William and queen Mary unrighteous, and 
those two famous princes must be recorded in his- 
tory for parricides and usurpers ; nor will it end 


there, for the black charge must reach our most 
gracious sovereign, who must be charged with the 
horrible crimes of robbery and usurpation ; and not 
the parliament or convention of the estates at the 
revolution only shall be charged as rebels and 
traitors to their sovereign, and breakers of the great 
command of rendering to Caesar the things that 
are Caesar's, but even every parliament since, espe- 
cially those who have had any hand in placing the 
entail of the crown upon the person of the queen, 
and in confirming her majesty's possession thereof 
since her happy accession ; and every act of parli- 
ament settling the succession on the house of Ha- 
nover must have likewise been guilty of treason 
and rebellion in a most unnatural manner. This is 
a heavy charge upon her majesty, and very incon- 
sistent with the great zeal and affection with which 
all the people of Britain at this time pay their duty 
and allegiance to her majesty's person, and acknow- 
ledge her happy government : this may indeed be 
thought hard, but it is evident nothing less can be 
the case, and therefore those people who are so 
forward to plead the pretender's cause, on account 
of his being king James's lawful son, can do it upon 
no other terms than these, viz., to declare that the 
queen is herself an illegal governor, an usurper of 
another's right, and therefore ought to be deposed : 
or, that the hereditary right of princes is no inde- 
feasible thing, but is subjected to the power of 
limitations by parliament. Thus I think the great dif- 
ficulty of the pretender's being the rightful son of the 
late king James is over, and at an end ; that it is no 
part of the needful inquiry relating to the succes- 
sion, since his father involved him in the fate of his 
abdication, and many ways rendered him incapable 
to reign, and out of condition to have any claim ; 
since the power of limiting the succession to the 



crown is an undoubted right of the parliaments of 
England and of Scotland respectively. Moreover, 
his being educated a papist in France, and continu- 
ing so, was a just reason why the people of Eng- 
land rejected him, and why they ought to reject 
him, since, according to that famous vote of the 
commons in the convention parliament, so often 
printed, and so often on many accounts quoted, it 
is declared, That it is inconsistent with the consti- 
tution of this protestant kingdom to be governed 
by a popish prince. Vid. Votes of the Convention, 
Feb. 2nd, 1688. This vote was carried up by Mr. 
Hampden to the house of lords the same day as the 
resolution of all the commons of England. Now 
this prince being popish, not only so in his infancy, 
but continuing so even now, when all the acts of parli- 
ament in Britain have been made to exclude him, his 
turning protestant now, which his emissaries pro- 
mise for him, though perhaps without his consent, 
will not answer at all ; for the acts of parliament, or 
some of them, having been past while he, though of 
age, remained a papist, and gave no room to expect 
any other, his turning protestant cannot alter those 
laws, suppose he should do so ; nor is it reasonable 
that a nation should alter an established succession 
to their crown whenever he shall think fit to alter 
or change his religion : if to engage the people of 
Britain to settle the succession upon him, and re- 
ceive him as heir, he had thought fit to turn 
protestant, why did he not declare himself ready to 
do so before the said succession was settled by so 
many laws, especially by that irrevocable law of the 
union of the two kingdoms, and that engagement of 
the abjuration, of which no human power can ab- 
solve us, no act of parliament can repeal it, nor no 
man break it without wilful perjury. 

What then is the signification to the people of 


Britain whether the person called the pretender be 
legitimate, or no? The son of king James, or the 
son of a cinder-woman? The case is settled by 
the queen, by the legislative authority, and we can- 
not go back from it ; and those who go about as 
emissaries to persuade the commons of Great Bri- 
tain of the pretender having a right, go about at the 
same time traitorously to tell the queen's good 
subjects that her majesty is not our rightful queen, 
but an usurper. 


What if the J)lCtcn&CV should come? 









Possessing the 



Printed, and Sold by J. Baker, at the Black Boy 
in Pater-Noster-Row, 1713. [Price 6c?.] 


— # — 

If the danger of the pretender is really so great as 
the noise which some make about it seems to sup- 
pose, if the hopes of his coming are so well grounded, 
as some of his friends seem to boast, it behoves us 
who are to be the subjects of the approaching revo- 
lution, which his success must necessarily bring 
with it, to apply ourselves seriously to examine 
what our part will be in the play, that so we may 
prepare ourselves to act as becomes us, both with 
respect to the government we are now under, and 
with respect to the government we may be under, 
when the success he promises himself shall (if ever 
it shall) answer his expectation. 

In order to this it is necessary to state, with what 
plainness the circumstances of the case will admit, 
the several appearances of the thing itself. 1. As 
they are offered to us by the respective parties who 
are for or against it. 2. As they really appear by 
an impartial deduction from them both, without the 
least bias either to one side or other ; that so the 
people of Britain may settle and compose their 
thoughts a little in this great, and at present popular, 
debate; and may neither be terrified nor affrighted 
with mischiefs, which have no reason nor foundation 
in them, and which give no ground for their appre- 


hensions ; and, on the other hand, may not promise 
to themselves greater things from the pretender, if 
he should come hither, than he will be able to per- 
form for them. In order to this we are to consider 
the pretender in his person, and in his circumstances. 
1 . The person who we call the pretender ; it has 
been so much debated, and such strong parties have 
been made on both sides to prove or disprove the 
legitimacy of his birth, that it seems needless here 
to enter into that dispute ; the author of the Re- 
view, one of the most furious opposers of the name 
and interest of the pretender, openly grants his le- 
gitimacy, and pretends to argue against his admis- 
sion from principles and foundations of his own 
forming; we shall let alone his principles and 
foundations here, as we do his arguments, and only 
take him by the handle which he fairly gives us, 
viz., that he grants the person of the pretender le- 
gitimate ; if this be so, if the person we contend 
about be the lawful true son of king James's queen, 
the dispute whether he be the real son of the king 
will be quite out of the question; because by the 
laws of Great Britain, and of the whole world, a 
child born in wedlock shall inherit, as heir of the 
mother's husband, whether begotten by him, as his 
real father, or not. Now to come at the true design 
of this work, the business is, to hear, as above, what 
either side have to say to this point. The friends 
of his birth and succession argue upon it thus, if 
the person be lawfully begotten, that is, if born 
really of the body of the queen dowager, during the 
life of king James, he was without any exception 
his lawful son ; if he was his lawful son, he was his 
lawful heir ; if he was his lawful heir, why is he not 
our lawful king? Since hereditary right is indefea- 
sible, and is lately acknowledged to be so ; and that 
the doctrine of hereditary right being indefeasible, 


is a church of England doctrine ever received by 
the church, and inseparable from the true members 
of the church, the contrary being the stigmatizing 
character of republicans, king-killers, enemies to 
monarchy, presbyterians, and fanatics. The enemies 
of the birth and succession of the person called the 
pretender argue upon it thus, that he is the lawfully 
begotten, or son born really of the body of the queen 
dowager of the late king James, they doubt ; and 
they are justified in doubting of it, because no suf- 
ficient steps were taken in the proper season of it, 
either before his birth, to convince such persons as 
were more immediately concerned to know the 
truth of it, that the queen was really with child, 
which nrght have been done past all contradiction 
at that time, more than ever after ; or at his birth 
to have such persons as were more immediately con- 
cerned, such as her present majesty, &c, thoroughly 
convinced of the queen being really delivered of a 
child, by being present at the time of the queen's 
labour and delivery. This being omitted, which 
was the affirmative, say they, which ought to have 
been proved, we ought not to be concerned in the 
proof of the negative, which by the nature of the 
thing could not be equally certain ; and therefore 
we might be justly permitted to conclude, that the 
child was a spurious, unfair production, put upon 
the nation ; for which reason we reject him, and 
have now, by a legal and just authority, deposed his 
father and him, and settled the succession upon the 
house of Hanover, being protestants. 

The matter of his title standing thus, divides the 
nation into two parties, one side for, and the other 
against the succession, either of the pretender, or 
the house of Hanover, and either side calling the 
other the pretender ; so that if we were to use the 
party's language, we must say, one side is for, and 


the other side against, either of the pretenders ; 
what the visible probabilities of either of these 
claims succeeding are, is not the present case ; the 
nation appears at this time strangely agitated be- 
tween the fears of one party, and the hopes of the 
other, each extenuating and aggravating, as their 
several parties and affections guide them, by which 
the public disorder is very much increased ; what 
either of them have to allege is our present work 
to inquire ; but more particularly what are the real 
or pretended advantages of the expected reign of 
him, who we are allowed to distinguish by the name 
of the pretender ; for his friends here would have 
very little to say to move us to receive him, if they 
were not able to lay before us such prospects of na- 
tional advantages, and such views of prosperity, as 
would be sufficient to prevail with those who have 
their eyes upon the good of their country, and of 
their posterity after them. 

That then a case so popular, and of so much con- 
sequence as this is, may not want such due supports 
as the nature of the thing will allow, and especially 
since the advantages and good consequences of the 
thing itself are so many, and so easy to be seen as 
his friends allege ; why should not the good people 
of Britain be made easy, and their fears be turned 
into peaceable satisfaction, by seeing that this devil 
may not be so black as he is painted ; and that the 
noise made of the pretender and the frightful things 
said of his coming, and of his being received here, 
may not be made greater scarecrows to us than 
they really are ; and after all that has been said, if 
it should appear that the advantages of the preten- 
der's succession are really greater to us, and the 
dangers less to us, than those of the succession of 
Hanover, then much of their difficulties would be 
over, who, standing neuter as to persons, appear 


against the pretender, only because they are made 
to believe strange and terrible things of what shall 
befall the nation in case of his coming in, such as 
popery, slavery, French power, destroying of our 
credit, and devouring our funds, (as that scandalous 
scribbler, the Review, has been labouring to suggest,) 
with many other things which we shall endeavour to 
expose to you, as they deserve. If, we say, it should 
appear then that the dangers and disadvantages of 
the pretender's succession are less than those of the 
house of Hanover, who, because of an act of parlia- 
ment, you know must not be called pretenders, 
then there will remain nothing more to be said on 
that score, but the debate must be of the reasonable- 
ness and justice on either side, for their admittance ; 
and there we question not but the side we are 
really pleading for will have the advantage. 

To begin then with that most popular and af- 
frighting argument now made use of, as the bug- 
bear of the people, against several other things be- 
sides jacobitism, we mean French greatness. It is 
most evident that the fear of this must, by the na- 
ture of the thing, be effectually removed upon our 
receiving the pretender ; the grounds and reasons 
why French greatness is rendered formidable to us, 
and so much weight supposed to be in it, that like 
the name of Scanderberg, we fright our very child- 
ren with it, lie only in this, that we suggest the king 
of France being a professed enemy to the peace, 
and the liberty of Great Britain, will most certainly, 
as soon as he can a little recover himself, exercise 
all that formidable power to put the pretender upon 
us, and not only to place him upon the throne of 
Great Britain, but to maintain and hold him up in 
it, against all the opposition, either of the people of 
Britain or the confederate princes leagued with the 
elector of Hanover, who are in the interest of his 


claim, or of his party. Now, it is evident, that 
upon a peaceable admitting this person, whom they 
call the pretender, to receive and enjoy the crown 
here, all that formidable power becomes your friend, 
and the being so must necessarily take off from it 
everything that is called terrible ; forasmuch as the 
greater terror and amusement the power we appre- 
hend really carries with it, the greater is the tran- 
quillity and satisfaction which accrues to us, when 
we have the friendship of that power which was so 
formidable to us before : the power of France is re- 
presented at this time very terrible, and the writers 
who speak of it apply it warm to our imaginations, 
as that from whence we ought justly to apprehend 
the impossibility of keeping out the pretender, and 
this, notwithstanding they allow themselves at the 
same time to suppose all the confederate powers of 
Europe to be engaged, as well by their own interest, 
as by the new treaties of barrier and guarantee, to 
support and to assist the claim of the elector of Ha- 
nover, and his party. Now if this power be so 
great and so formidable, as they allege, will it not, 
on the other side, add a proportion of increase 
to our satisfaction, that this power will be wholly 
in friendship and league with us ; and engaged 
to concern itself for the quieting our fears of 
other foreign invaders ; forasmuch as having once 
concerned itself to set the person of the pretender 
upon the throne, it cannot be supposed but it shall 
be equally concerned to support and maintain him 
in that possession, as what will mightily conduce to 
the carrying on the other projects of his greatness 
and glory with the rest of Europe ; in which it will 
be very much his interest to secure himself from 
any opposition he might meet with from this nation, 
or from such as might be rendered powerful by our 
assistance. An eminent instance we have of this 


in the mighty efforts the French nation have made 
for planting, and preserving when planted, a 
grandson of France upon the throne of Spain ; 
and how eminent are the advantages to France 
from the success of that undertaking ; of what 
less consequence then would it be to the august 
monarchy of France, to secure and engage to him- 
self the constant friendship and assistance of the 
power of Great Britain, which he would neces- 
sarily do, by the placing this person upon the throne, 
who would thereby in gratitude be engaged to con- 
tribute his utmost in return to the king of France, 
for the carrying on his glorious designs in the rest 
of Europe. While then we become thus necessary 
to the king of France, reason dictates that he would 
be our fast friend, our constant confederate, our 
ally, firmly engaged to secure our sovereign, and 
protect our people from the insults and attempts 
of all the world : being thus engaged reciprocally 
with the king of France, there must necessarily be 
an end of all the fears and jealousies, of all the ap- 
prehensions and doubts which now so amuse us, 
and appear so formidable to us from the prospect 
of the power and greatness of France ; then we 
shall on the contrary say to the world, the stronger 
the king of France is, the better for the king of 
England ; and what is best for the king, must be 
so for his people ; for it is a most unnatural way of 
arguing, to suppose the interest of a king, and of 
his people, to be different from one another. 

And is not this then an advantage incomparably 
greater to Britain, when the pretender shall be 
upon the throne, than any we can propose to our- 
selves in the present uneasy posture of affairs, 
which it must be acknowledged we are in now, 
when we cannot sleep in quiet, for the terrible ap- 



prehensions of being overrun by the formidable 
power of France. 

Let us also consider the many other advantages 
which may accrue to this nation, by a nearer 
conjunction, and closer union with France, such 
as increase of commerce, encouragement of ma- 
nufactures, balance of trade ; every one knows 
how vast an advantage we reaped by the French 
trade in former times, and how many hundred thou- 
sand pounds a year we gained by it, when the balance 
of trade between us and France ran so many mil- 
lions of livres annually against the French by the 
vast exportation of our goods to them, and the 
small import which we received from them again, 
and by the constant flux of money in specie, which 
we drew from them every year, upon court occasions, 
to the inexpressible benefit of the nation, and en- 
riching of the subject, of which we shall have occa- 
sion to speak hereafter more fully. 

In the mean time it were to be wished that our 
people who are so bugbeared with words, and terri- 
fied with the name of French, French power, 
French greatness, and the like, as if England could 
not subsist, and the queen of England was not able 
to keep upon her throne any longer than the king 
of France pleased, and that her majesty was going 
to be a mere servant to the French king, would 
consider that this is an unanswerable argument for 
the coming of the pretender, that we may make this 
so formidable prince our friend, have all his power 
engaged in our interest, and see him going on hand 
in hand with us, in the securing us against all 
sorts of encroachments whatsoever : for if the king 
of France be such an invincible mighty monarch, 
that we are nothing in his eyes or in his hands ; 
and that neither Britain, or all the friends Britain 


can make, are able to deliver us from him ; then it 
must be our great advantage to have the pretender 
be our king, that we may be out of the danger of 
this formidable French power being our enemy ; 
and that, on the other hand, we may have so po- 
tent, so powerful, so invincible a prince be otar 
friend. The case is evidently laid down to every 
common understanding, in the example of Spain ; 
till now, the Spaniards for many ages have been 
overrun, and impoverished, by their continued wars 
with the French, and it was not doubted but one 
time or other they would have been entirely con- 
quered by the king of France, and have become 
a mere province of France ; whereas now, having 
but consented to receive a king from the hands 
of the invincible monarch, they are made easy as 
to the former danger they were always in, are now 
most safe under the protection of France ; and he 
who before was their terror, is now their safety, 
and being safe from him, it appears they are so 
from all the world. 

Would it not then be the manifest advantage of 
this nation to be likewise secured from the danger- 
ous power of France, and make that potentate our 
fast friend, who it is so apparent we are not able to 
resist as an enemy ? This is reducing the French 
power the softest way, if not the best and shortest 
way ; for if it does not reduce the power itself, it 
brings it into such a circumstance, as that all the 
terror of it is removed, and we embrace that as 
our safety and satisfaction, which really is, and 
ought to be, our terror and aversion ; this must of 
necessity be our great advantage. 

How strange is it that none of our people have 
yet thought of this way of securing their native 
country from the insults of France ? Were but the 
pretender once received as our king, we have no 

t 2 

12 what if the pretender should come ? 

more disputes with the king of France, he has no 
pretence to invade or disturb us ; what a quiet 
world would it be with us in such a case, when the 
greatest monarch in the universe should be our fast 
friend, and be in our interest to prevent any of the 
inconveniences which might happen to us from the 
disgust of other neighbours, who may be dissatisfied 
with us upon other accounts. As to the terrible 
things which some people fright us, and themselves 
with, from the influence which French councils 
may have upon us, and of French methods of go- 
vernment being introduced among us ; these we 
ought to esteem only clamours and noise, raised by 
a party to amuse and affright us ; for pray let us 
inquire a little into them, and see if there be any 
reason for us to be so terrified at them ; suppose 
they were really what is alleged, which we hope 
they are not ; for example, the absolute dominion 
of the king of France over his subjects, is such, say 
our people, as makes them miserable ; well, but let 
us examine then, are we not already miserable for 
want of this absolute dominion ? Are we not mi- 
serably divided ? Is not our government miser- 
ably weak ? Are we not miserably subjected to 
the rabbles and mob ? Nay, is not the very crown 
mobbed here every now and then, into whatever 
our sovereign lord the people demand ? Whereas, on 
the contrary, we see France entirely united as one 
man ; no virulent scribblers there dare affront the 

government ; no impertinent p ments there 

disturb the monarch with their addresses and repre- 
sentations ; no superiority of laws restrain the ad- 
ministration ; no insolent lawyers talk of the sacred 
constitution, in opposition to the more sacred 
prerogative ; but all with harmony and general 
consent agree to support the majesty of their 
prince, and with their lives and fortunes ; not in com- 


plimenting sham addresses only, but in reality, and 
effectually, support the glory of their great monarch. 
In doing this they are all united together so firmly, 
as if they had but one heart and one mind, and that 
the king was the soul of the nation : what if they are 
what we foolishly call slaves to the absolute will of 
their prince ? That slavery to them is mere liberty ? 
They entertain no notion of that foolish thing 
liberty, which we make so much noise about ; nor 
have they any occasion of it, or any use for it if 
they had it ; they are as industrious in trade, as 
vigorous in pursuit of their affairs, go on with as 
much courage, and are as well satisfied when they 
have wrought hard twenty or thirty years to get a 
little money for the king to take away, as we are to 
get it for our wives and children ; and as they 
plant vines, and plough lands, that the king and his 
great men may eat the fruit thereof, they think it 
as great a felicity as if they eat it themselves. The 
badge of their poverty, which we make such a noise 
of, and insult them about so much, viz., their 
wooden shoes, their peasants make nothing of it ; 
they say they are as happy in their wooden shoes, 
as our people are with their luxury and drunken- 
ness ; besides, do not our poor people wear iron 
shoes, and leather doublets, and where is the odds 
between them ? All the business, forsooth, is this 
trifle we call liberty, which rather than be plagued 
with so much strife and dissension about it as we 
are, who would be troubled with ; now it is evident 
the peace and union which we should enjoy under 
the like methods of government here, which we 
hope for under the happy government of the pre- 
tender, must needs be a full equivalent for all the 
pretended rights and privileges which we say we 
shall lose ; and how will our rights and privileges 
be lost ? Will they not rather be centred in our 


common receptacle, viz., the sovereign, who is, ac- 
cording to the king of France's happy government, 
the common magazine of universal privilege, com- 
municating it to, and preserving it for, the general 
use of his subjects, as their safety and happiness 
requires. Thus he protects their commerce, encou- 
rages their foreign settlements, enlarges their pos- 
sessions abroad, increases their manufactures, gives 
them room for spreading their numerous race over 
the world ; at home he rewards arts and sciences, 
cultivates learning, employs innumerable hands in 
the labours of the state, and the like ; what if it 
be true that all they gain is at his mercy ? Does 
he take it away, except when needful, for the sup- 
port of his glory and grandeur, which is their pro- 
tection ? Is it not apparent, that under all the op- 
pressions they talk so much of, the French are the 
nation the most improved and increased in manu- 
factures, in navigation, in commerce, within these 
fifty years, of any nation in the world ? And here 
we pretend liberty, property, constitutions, rights 
of subjects, and such stuff as that, and with all these 
fine gewgaws, which we pretend propagate trade, 
and increase the wealth of the nation, we are every 
day declining, and become poor ; how long will this 
nation be blinded by their own foolish customs? 
And when will they learn to know, that the abso- 
lute government of a virtuous prince, who makes 
the good of his people his ultimate end, and esteems 
their prosperity his glory, is the best, and most 
godlike, government in the world. 

Let us then be no more rendered uneasy with 
the notions, that with the pretender we must en- 
tertain French methods of government, such as ty- 
ranny and arbitrary power ; tyranny is no more 
tyranny, when improved for the subjects' advan- 
tage : perhaps when we have tried it we may find 


it as much for our good many ways, nay, and more 
too, than our present exorbitant liberties, especially 
unless we can make a better use of them, and enjoy 
them, without being always going by the ears 
about them, as we see daily, not only with our go- 
vernors, but even with one another ; a little French 
slavery, though it be a frightful word among us, 
that is, being made so by custom, yet may do us a 
great deal of good in the main, as it may teach us 
not to over (under) value our liberties when we 
have them, so much as sometimes we have done ; 
and this is not one of the least advantages which we 
shall gain by the coming of the pretender, and con- 
sequently one of the good reasons why we should 
be very willing to receive him. 

The next thing which they fill us with apprehen- 
sions of in the coming of the pretender, is the influ- 
ence of French councils, which they construe thus, 
viz., That the pretender being restored here by the 
assistance of France, will not only rule us by French 
methods, viz., by French tyranny, but in gratitude 
to his restorer he will cause us to be always ready 
with English blood and treasure to assist and sup- 
port the French ambition in the invasions he will 
ever be making upon Europe, and in the oppres- 
sions of other nations ; till at last he obtain the 
superiority over them all, and turn upon us too, 
devouring the liberties of Europe in his so long pur- 
posed and resolved universal monarchy. As to the 
gratitude of the pretender to the king of France, 
why should you make that a crime ? Are not all 
people bound in honour to retaliate kindness ? And 
would you have your prince be ungrateful to him that 
brought him hither ? By the same rule you would 
expect he could be ungrateful to us that receive 
him ; besides, if it be so great an advantage to us 
to have him brought in, we shall be all concerned 


also in gratitude to the king of France for helping 
us to him ; and sure we shall not decline making a 
suitable return to him for the kindness : and is this 
anything more than common ? Did we not pay the 
Dutch six hundred thousand pound sterling for as- 
sisting the late king William ? And did we not 
immediately embark with them in the war against the 
king of France ? And has not that revolution cost 
the nation one hundred millions of British money 
to support it ? And shall we grudge to support the 
pretender and his benefactor, at the same expense, 
if it should be needful, for carrying on the new 
scheme of French liberty, which when that time 
comes may be in a likely and forward way to pre- 
vail over the whole world, to the general happiness 
of Europe ? 

There seems to be but one thing more which 
those people, who make such a clamour at the fears 
of the pretender, take hold of, and this is religion ; 
and they tell us that not only French government, 
and French influence, but French religion, that is 
to say, popery, will come upon us ; but these people 
know not what they talk of, for it is evident that 
they shall be so far from being loaded with religion, 
that they will rather obtain that so long desired 
happiness, of having no religion at all. This we 
may easily make appear has been the advantage 
which has been long laboured for in this nation ; 
and as the attainments we are arrived to of that 
kind are very considerable already, so we cannot 
doubt but that if once the pretender were settled 
quietly among us, an absolute subjection, as well of 
religious principles, as civil liberties, to the disposal 
of the sovereign, would take place. This is an ad- 
vantage so fruitful of several other manifest im- 
provements, that though we have not room in this 
place to enlarge upon the particulars, we cannot 


doubt but it must be a most grateful piece of news to 
a great part of the nation, who have long groaned 
under the oppressions and cruel severities of the 
clergy, occasioned by their own strict lives, and 
rigorous virtue, and their imposing such austerities 
and restraints upon the people ; and in this parti- 
cular the clamour of slavery will appear very scan- 
dalous in the nation, for the slavery of religion be- 
ing taken off, and an universal freedom of vice 
being introduced, what greater liberty can we enjoy. 

But we have yet greater advantages attending 
this nation by the coming of the pretender than any 
we have yet taken notice of ; and though we have 
not room in this short tract to name them all, and 
enlarge upon them as the case may require, yet we 
cannot omit such due notice of them, as may serve 
to satisfy our readers, and convince them how much 
they ought to favour the coming of the pretender, 
as the great benefit to the whole nation ; and there- 
fore we shall begin with our brethren of Scotland ; 
and here we may tell them, that they, of all the 
parts of this island, shall receive the most evident 
advantages, in that the setting the pretender upon 
the throne shall effectually set them free from the 
bondage they now groan under, in their abhorred 
subjection to England by the union, which may, no 
question, be declared void, and dissolved, as a vio- 
lence upon the Scottish nation, as soon as ever the 
pretender shall be established upon the throne ; 
a few words may serve to recommend this to the 
Scots, since we are very well satisfied we shall be 
sure to oblige every side there by it : the opposition 
all sides made to the union at the time of the 
transaction of the union in the parliament there, 
cannot but give us reason to think thus ; and the 
present scruple, even the presbyterians themselves 
make, of taking the abjuration, if they do not, as 


some pretend, assure us that the said presbyterian 
nonjurors are in the interest of the pretender, 
yet they undeniably prove, and put it out of all 
question, that they are ill- pleased with the yoke of 
the union, and would embrace every just occasion 
of being quietly and freely discharged from the 
fetters which they believe they bear by the said 
union ; now there is no doubt to be made, but that 
upon the very first appearance of the pretender, the 
ancient kingdom of Scotland should recover her 
former well-known condition, we mean, of being 
perfectly free, and depending upon none but the 
king of France. How inestimable an advantage 
this will be to Scotland, and how effectually he will 
support and defend the Scots against their ancient 
enemies, the English, forasmuch as we have not 
room to enlarge upon here, we may take occasion 
to make out more particularly on another occasion. 
But it may not be forgotten here, that the union 
was not only justly distasteful to the Scots them- 
selves, but also to many good men, and noble 
patriots of the church, some of whom entered their 
protests against passing and confirming, or ratifying 

the same, such as the late Lord Hav sham, and 

the right wise and right noble E of Nott , 

whose reasons for being against the said union, be- 
sides those they gave in the house of p s, 

which we do by no means mean to reflect upon in the 
least in this place ; we say, whose other reasons for 
opposing the said union were founded upon an impla- 
cable hatred to the Scots kirk, which has been estab- 
lished thereby : it may then not admit of any question, 
but that they would think it a very great advantage 
to be delivered from the same, as they would ef- 
fectually be by the coming of the pretender ; where* 
fore by the concurring judgment of these noble and 
wise persons, who on that account opposed the union, 


the coming of the pretender must be an inexpress- 
ible advantage to this nation ; nor is the dissolving 
the union so desirable a thing, merely as that union 
was an establishing among us a wicked schismatical 
presbyterian generation, and giving the sanction of 
the laws to their odious constitution, which we 
esteem (you know) worse than popery; but even 
on civil accounts, as particularly on account of the 
p s of Scotland, who many of them think them- 
selves egregiously maltreated, and robbed of their 
birthright, as p s, and have expressed them- 
selves so in a something public manner. Now we 
cannot think that any of these will be at all offended 
that all this new establishment should be revoked ; 
nay, we have heard it openly said, that the Scots 
are so little satisfied with the union at this time, that 
if it were now to be put to the vote, as it was before, 
whether they should unite with England, or no, 
there would not be one man in fifteen, throughout 
Scotland, that would vote for it. If then it appears 
that the whole nation thus seems to be averse to 
the union, and by the coming in of this most glori- 
ous pretender that union will be in all appearance 
dissolved, and the nation freed from the encumbrance 
of it, will any Scots man, who is against the union, 
refuse to be for the pretender ? Sure it cannot be ; 
I know it is alleged, that they will lay aside their 
discontent at the union, and unite together against 
the pretender, because that is to unite against po- 
pery ; we will not say what a few, who have their 
eyes in their heads, may do ; but as the generality 
of the people there are not so well reconciled to- 
gether, as such a thing requires, it is not unlikely 
that such a uniting may be prevented, if the pre- 
tender's friends there can but play the game of di- 
viding them further, as they should do ; to which 
end it cannot but be very serviceable to them to 


have the real advantages of receiving the pretender 
laid before them, which is the true intent and 
meaning of the present undertaking. 

But we have more and greater advantages of the 
coming of the pretender, and such as no question 
will invite you to receive him with great satisfaction 
and applause ; and it cannot be unnecessary to in- 
form you, for your direction in other cases, how the 
matter, as to real and imaginary advantage, stands 
with the nation in this affair ; and First, The 
coming of the pretender will at once put us all out 
of debt. These abomination whigs, and these bloody 
wars, carried on so long for little or nothing, have, 
as is evident to our senses now, (whatever it was all 
along,) brought a heavy debt upon the nation ; so 
that if what a known author lately published is true, 
the government pays now almost six millions a year 
to the common people for interest of money ; that is 
to say, the usurers eat up the nation, and devour six 
millions yearly ; which is paid, and must be paid 
now for a long time, if some kind turn, such as this 
of the coming of the pretender, or such like, does 
not help us out of it ; the weight of this is not only 
great, insuperably great, but most of it is entailed 
for a terrible time, not only for our age, but beyond 
the'age of our grandchildren, even for ninety-nine 
years ; by how much the consideration of this debt 
is intolerable and afflicting to the last degree, by so 
much the greater must the obligation be to the 
person who will ease the nation of such a burden, 
and therefore we place it among the principal ad- 
vantages which we are to receive from the admission 
of the pretender, that he will not fail to rid us of 
this grievance, and by methods peculiar to himself 
deliver us from so great a burden as these debts are 
now, and, unless he deliver us, are like to be to the 
ages to come ; whither he will do this at once, by 


remitting most graciously to the nation the whole 
payment, and consequently take off the burden, 
brevi manu, as with a sponge wiping out the in- 
famous score, leaving it to fall as fate directs, or by 
prudent degrees, we know not, nor is it our business 
to determine it here ; no doubt the doing it with a 
jerk, as we call it, comme une coup de grace, must 
be the most expeditious way ; nay, and the kindest 
way of putting the nation out of its pain ; for 
lingering deaths are counted cruel ; and though 
une coup oV eclat may make an impression for the 
present, yet the astonishment is soonest over; besides, 
where is the loss to the nation in this sense ? though 
the money be stopped from the subject on one hand, 
if it be stopped to the subjects on the other, the 
nation loses or gains nothing : we know it will be 
answered, that it is unjust, and that thousands of 
families will be ruined, because they who lose, will 
not be those who gain. But what is this to the 
purpose in a national revolution ; unjust ! alas ! 
is that an argument ? Go and ask the pretender ! 
Does not he say you have all done unjustly by him? 
and since the nation in general loses nothing, what 
obligation has he to regard the particular injury 
that some families may sustain ? And yet further, is 
it not remarkable, that most part of the money is 
paid by the cursed party of whigs, who from the 
beginning officiously appeared to keep him from his 
right? And what obligation has he upon him to 
concern himself for doing them right in particular, 
more than other people ? But to avoid the scandal 
of partiality, there is another thought offers to our 
view, which the nation is beholding to a particular 
author for putting us in mind of ; if it be unjust 
that we should suppose the pretender shall stop the 
payment on both sides, because it is doing the 
whigs wrong, since the tories, who perhaps being 


chiefly landed men, pay the most taxes ; then, to 
keep up a just balance, he need only continue the 
taxes to be paid in, and only stop the annuities and 
interest which are to be paid out. Thus both sides 
having no reason to envy or reproach one another 
with hardships, or with suffering unequally ; they 
may every one lose their proportion, and the money 
may be laid up in the hands of the new sovereign, 
for the good of the nation. 

This being thus happily proposed, we cannot pass 
over the great advantages which would accrue to 
this nation in such a case, by having such a mass of 
money laid up in the exchequer at the absolute com- 
mand of a most gracious French sovereign. But 
as these things are so glorious, and so great, as to 
admit of no complete explication in this short tracts 
give us leave, O people of Great Britain, to lay be- 
fore you a little sketch of your future felicity, under 
the auspicious reign of such a glorious prince, as we 
all hope, and believe, the pretender to be. L You 
are to allow, that by such a just and righteous 
shutting up of the exchequer in about seven years' 
time, he may be supposed to have received about 
forty millions sterling from his people, which not 
being to be found in specie in the kingdom, will, for 
the benefit of circulation, enable him to treasure up 
infinite funds of wealth in foreign banks, a prodigi- 
ous mass of foreign bullion, gold, jewels, and plate, 
to be ready in the tower, or elsewhere, to be issued 
upon future emergency, as occasion may allow. 
This prodigious wealth will necessarily have these 
happy events, to the infinite satisfaction and advan- 
tage of the whole nation, and the benefit of which I 
hope none will be so unjust, or ungrateful, to deny. 
1. It will for ever after deliver this nation from the 
burden, the expense, the formality, and the tyranny, 
of parliaments. No one can perhaps at the first 


view be rightly sensible of the many advantages of 
this article, and from how many mischiefs it will de- 
liver this nation. 1. How the country gentlemen 
will be no longer harassed to come, at the command 
of every court occasion, and upon every summons 
by the prince's proclamation, from their families 
and other occasions, whether they can be spared 
from their wives, &c, or no, or whether they can 
trust their wives behind them, or no ; nay, whether 
they can spare money or no for the journey, or 
whether they must come carriage paid or no ; then 
they will no more be unnecessarily exposed to long 
and hazardous journeys, in the depth of winter, 
from the remotest corners of the island, to come to 
London, just to give away the country's money, and 
go home again ; all this will be dispensed with by 
the kind and gracious management of the pretender, 
when he, God bless us, shall be our more gracious 
sovereign. 2. In the happy consequence of the 
demise of parliaments, the country will be eased of 
that intolerable burden of travelling to elections, 
sometimes in the depth of winter, sometimes in the 
middle of their harvest, whenever the writs of elec- 
tions arbitrarily summons them. 3. And with them 
the poor gentlemen will be eased of that abominable 
grievance of the nation, viz., the expense of elec- 
tions, by which so many gentlemen of estates have 
been ruined, so many innocent people, of honest 
principles before, have been debauched, and made 
mercenary, partial, perjured, and been blinded with 
bribes to sell their country and liberties to who bids 
most. It is well known how often, and yet how in 
vain, this distemper has been the constant concern 
of parliaments for many ages, to cure, and to pro- 
vide sufficient remedies for. Now if ever the 
effectual remedy for this is found out, to the inex- 
pressible advantage of the whole nation ; and this 


perhaps is the only cure for it that the nature of 
the disease will admit of ; what terrible havock has 
this kind of trade made among the estates of the 
gentry, and the morals of the common people ? 4. 
How also has it kept alive the factions and divisions 
of the country people, keeping them in a constant 
agitation, and in triennial commotions ? So that 
what with forming new interests, and cultivating 
old, the heats and animosities never cease among 
the people. But once set the pretender upon the 
throne, and let the funds be but happily stopped, 
and paid into his hands, that he may be in no more 
need of a parliament, and all these distempers will 
be cured as effectually as a fever is cured by cutting 
off the head, or as a halter cures the bleeding at 
the nose. How infatuated then is this nation, that 
they should so obstinately refuse a prince, by the 
nature of whose circumstances, and the avowed 
principles of whose party, we are sure to obtain 
such glorious things, such inestimable advantages, 
things which no age, no prince, no attempt of par- 
ties, or endeavour, though often aimed at of minis- 
ters of state, have ever been able to procure 
for us. 2. This amassing of treasure, by the 
stopping the funds on one hand, and the receiving 
the taxes on the other, will effectually enable the 
pretender to set up, and effectually maintain, that 
glorious, and so often-desired method of govern- 
ment, au coup de canon, Anglice, a standing 
army. This we have the authority of the ancient 
borough of Carlisle, that it is the safety of the 
prince, and the glory of the nation, as appears by 
their renowned address to king James II. Then 
we should see a new face of our nation, and Britain 
would no more be a naked nation, as it has formerly 
been ; then we should have numerous and gallant 
armies surrounding a martial prince ; ready to 


make the world, as well as his own subjects, trem- 
ble ; then our inland counties would appear full of 
royal fortifications, citadels, forts, and strong towns ; 
the beauty of the kingdom, and awe of factious 
rebels : it is a strange thing that this refractory 
people of ours could never be made sensible how 
much it is for the glory and safety of this nation 
that we should be put into a posture of defence 
against ourselves : it has been often alleged, that 
this nation can never be ruined but with their own 
consent : if then we are our own enemies, is it not 
highly requisite^that we should be put in a position 
to have our own ruin prevented ? And that since it 
is apparent we are no more fit to be trusted with 
our own liberties, having a natural and a national 
propensity to destroy and undo ourselves, and may 
be brought to consent to our own ruin, we should 
have such princes as for the future know how to 
restrain us, and how reasonable is it to allow them 
forces to do so ? 

We might enlarge here upon the great and cer- 
tain advantages of this best of governments, a 
standing army ; we might go back to the Persian, 
Grecian, and Roman empires, which had never ar- 
rived to such a pitch of glory if the people and na- 
tions whom they subdued had been able to nose 
them with such trifles as what we call constitution, 
national right, ancient privileges, and the like ; we 
might descend also to particular advantages of go- 
vernment, which it is hoped we may attain to in 
Britain when the pretender arrives, some of which 
are grown obsolete, and out of use, by custom, and 
long possession of those troublesome things called 
liberties ; among these may be reckoned, 

1. The whole kingdom will be at once eased of 
of that ridiculous feather-cap's expense of militia 
and trained-bands, which serve for little else but to 



justify the picking the peoples' pockets, with an 
annual tax of trophy-money, and every now and 
then putting the city of London and parts adjacent, 
to ten thousand pound charge, to beat drums, and 
shoot muskets, for nothing ; when, on the contrary, 
you shall in the blessed revolution we now invite 
you to, have all this done gratis, by the standing 
troops kept constantly in pay ; and your lieutenantcy 
may lay down their commissions among the rest of 
non-significants of the nation. 

2. You shall be for ever out of danger of being 
ridden again by the mob, your meeting-houses shall 
no more be the subject of the enraged rabbles ; nor 
shall the bank of England desire the drums to beat 
at midnight to raise a guard for Grocers' hall; 
your new monarch will suffer none to insult or 
plunder the city but himself ; and as the city itself 
shall never want soldiers, (how should it, when the 
whole kingdom shall become a garrison ?) the mo- 
ney in the bank shall always be defended by a 
strong guard, who shall, whenever there is any 
danger of its being too safe, convey it, for its emi- 
nent security, from Grocers'-alley to the Tower, or 
to the exchequer, where it shall not fail to be kept 
for the advantage of the public. 

3. Again ; upon this happy change we shall im- 
mediately be delivered from that most infamous 
practice of stock -jobbing, of which so much has 
been said to so little purpose ; for the funds being 
turned all into one general stock, and the prince being 
himself your security, you may even write upon all 
your companies this general phrase, viz., No trans- 
fer, as they do when the books are shut up at the 
bank, or East-India house ; so as all the rivers of 
water are swallowed up in the sea, as one ocean, to 
which they are all tending, so all these petty 
cheats will be engulfed at once in the general 


ocean of state trick, and the Exchange-alley men 
may justly be said to buy the bear-skin ever after. 

4. When (which is a blessing we fear we cannot 
hope for before) we may expect to be delivered from 
the throng of virulent and contumacious libels 
which now infest our streets ; and the libellers 
themselves being most exemplarily punished, for a 
terror to the rest, will not dare to affront the go- 
vernment with ballads and balderdash ; if an impu- 
dent fellow dares lift up his pen against the autho- 
rity and power of his prince, he shall instantly feel 
the weight of that power to crush him, which he 
ought before to have feared ; and pamphleteers 
shall then not be whipped and pilloried, but hanged ; 
and when two or three of them have suffered that 
way, it is hoped those wholesome severities may put 
an effectual stop to the noise and clamour they now 
make in the nation ; above all, the hands of the go- 
vernment will then be set free from the fetters of 
law ; and it shall not be always necessary for the 
ministers of state to proceed by all the forms of the 
courts of justice, in such cases, by which the scrib- 
blers of the age pretend to stand it out against the 
government, and put their own construction upon 
their libels. But when these happy days arrive, 
juries and judges shall find and determine in these 
and all other cases, bring verdicts, and give sen- 
tence, as the prince in his royal justice shall 

We might enter here upon a long list of other 
happy circumstances we shall all arrive to, and of 
great advantages not here named, which the com- 
ing in of the pretender shall infallibly bring us to 
the enjoyment of, particularly in matters of religion, 
civil right, property, and commerce ; but the need- 
ful brevity of this tract will not admit of it, we shall 

u 2 


only add one thing more, which gives weight to all 
the rest , viz., that the certainty of these things, and 
of their being the natural consequences of the 
bringing in the pretender, adds to the certain feli- 
city of that reign. This sums up the happiness of 
the pretender's reign ; we need not talk of security, 
as the Review has done, and pretend he is not able 
to give us security for the performance of anything 
he promises ; every man that has any sense of the 
principles, honour, and justice of the pretender, his 
zeal for the Roman catholic cause, his gratitude to 
his benefactor, the French king, and his love to the 
glory and happiness of his native country, must 
rest satisfied of his punctually performing all these 
great things for us ; to ask him security, would be 
not to affront him only, but to affront the whole 
nation ; no man can doubt him ; the nature of the 
thing allows that he must do us all that kindness ; 
he cannot be true to his own reason without it ; 
wherefore this treaty executes itself, and appears so 
rational to believe, that whoever doubts it may 
be supposed to doubt even the veracity of James 
the Just. 

What unaccountable folly then must those people 
be guilty of, who stand so much in the way of their 
own and their country's happiness, as to oppose, or 
pretend to argue against, the receiving this glorious 
prince, and would be for having Dutch men and 
foreigners forsooth to come, and all under the notion 
of their being protestants ? To avoid and detect 
which fallacy, we shall in our next essay enter into 
the examination of the religion and orthodox 
principles of the person of the pretender, and 
doubt not to make it out, for the satisfaction 
of all tender consciences, that he is a true pro- 
testant of the church of England, established by law, 


and that in the very natural primitive sense of that 
phrase as it was used by his royal predecessor, of 

famous and pious memory, Charles II. and 

as such, no doubt, he will endeavour for the reco- 
very of the crown, which crown, if he obtains it, 
you see what glorious things he may do for himself, 
and us. 

Quam si non fenuit magnis tamen excidit amis* 




That Nobody thinks of ? 

But what if the QUEEN should die? 


Printed for J, Baker, at the Black-Boy in Pater- 
Noster~Row. 1713. Price Six Pence. 



That we are to have a peace, or that the peace is 
made, what sort of peace, or how it has been 
brought about ; these are questions the world be- 
gins to have done with, they have been so much, so 
often, and to so little purpose banded about, and 
tossed like a shuttlecok, from one party to another ; 
the parties themselves begin to want breath to rail 
and throw scandal. Roper and Ridpath, like two 
Tom T — men, have thrown night-dirt at one an- 
other so long, and groped into so many Jakes's up 
to their elbows to find it, that they stink now in 
the nostrils of their own party. They are become 
perfectly nauseous to read ; the nation is surfeited 
of them, and the people begin to be tired with ill- 
using one another. Would any tolerable face ap- 
pear upon things, we might expect the people 
would be inclined to be easy ; and were the eyes of 
some great men open, they may see this was the 
opportunity they never had before, to make the 
nation easy, and themselves safe. The main thing 
which agitates the minds of men f now, is the pro- 
testant succession and the pretender. Much pains 
have been taken on both sides to amuse the world 
about this remaining dispute ; one side to make us 
believe it is safe, and the other to convince us it is 


in danger. Neither side hath been able to expatiate 
upon the part they affirm. Those who say the pro- 
testant succession is secure, have not yet shown us 
any step taken, since these new transactions, for its 
particular security. Those who say it is in danger, 
have not so clearly determined, even among them- 
selves, from what particular head of public manage- 
ment that danger chiefly proceeds. Both these un- 
certainties serve to perplex us, and to leave the 
thing more undetermined than consists with the 
public ease of the people's minds. To contribute 
something to that ease, and bring those whose 
place it is to consider of ways to make the people 
easy in this case, this work is made public. Possi- 
bly the question propounded may not meet with a 
categorical answer. But this is certain, it shall 
show you more directly what is the chief question 
which the substance of things before us is like to turn 
upon ; and to which all our questions seem to tend. 
Were the great difficulty of the succession brought 
to a narrow compass, though we might spend fewer 
words about it, we should sooner come to a direct 
answer. Before I come to the great and chief 
question upon which this affair so much seems to 
turn, it seems needful to put the previous question 
upon which so much debate has been among us, 
and let that be examined. This previous question 
is this : Is there any real danger of the protestant 
succession ? Is there any danger that the pre- 
tender shall be brought in upon us ? Is there any 
danger of popery and tyranny, by restoring the son, 
as they call him, of abdicated king James ? This 
is the previous question, as we may now call it. It is 
well known that there are some people among us, 
who are so far from allowing that there is any such 
danger, as the said question mentions, that they 
will have it to be a token of disaffection to the go- 


vernment to put the question ; and are for loading 
whoever shall offer to start such a question, with 
characters and party-marks odious to good men ; 
such as incendiary, promoter of discontents, raiser 
of faction, divider of the people, and the like : 
names which the writer of these sheets, at the same 
time, both contemns and abhors. He cannot see 
that he is any enemy to the queen, in inquiring as 
diligently as possible, whether there are any at- 
tempts to depose her, or dangerous prospects of 
bringing in the hated rival of her glory and domi- 
nion. It is so far from that, that it is apparently 
the duty of every true subject of her majesty, to 
inquire seriously, whether the public peace, the 
queen's safety, her throne, or her person, is in any 
danger from the wicked design of her, and her peo- 
ple's enemies. Wherefore, and for the joint con- 
cern every protestant Briton has in this thing, I 
shall make no difficulty, plainly and seriously to 
state, and to answer this previous question, viz., 
Whether there is any danger of the protestant suc- 
cession from the present measures, and from the 
present people concerned ? I am not ignorant of 
what has been said by some, to prove that the pre- 
sent ministry cannot be suspected of having any 
view to the pretender in any of their measures. 
The best reason which I have seen given upon that 
subject, is, that it is not their interest ; and that as 
we have not found them fools that are blind to 
their own interest ; that either do not understand, 
or pursue it. This we find handled sundry ways, 
by sundry authors, and very much insisted upon as 
a foundation for us to build upon. We shall give 
our thoughts upon it with plainness, and without 
fear or favour. Good manners require we should 
speak of the ministry with all due regard to their 
character and persons. This a tract designed to 


inquire seriously of a weighty and essential, not a 
trifling thing, which requires but a trifling examin- 
ation ; nor shall it be handled here with satire and 
scurrility. We approve neither of the flatteries of 
one side, nor the insultings of the other. We shall 
readily and most willingly join with those who are 
of opinion, that it is not the interest of the 
ministry to be for the pretender ; and that the mi- 
nistry are not blind to, or careless of, their own 
interest ; and consequently, that the ministry can- 
not be for the pretender. This I hope may be 
called a direct answer. When I say, 6 cannot,' I 
must not be understood potentially, that they have 
no moral capacity; but they cannot without such 
inconsistencies, contradictions, and improbable 
things happening in, which render it highly irra- 
tional so much as to suppose it of them. To shut 
the door against any possibility of cavil, it may be 
needful also to take it with us as we go, what we mean 
by the words 6 be for' the pretender ; and this can be 
no otherwise understood, than to have a design, 
however remote, and upon whatever views, to bring 
him in to possess the throne of these kingdoms. 
The matter then being laid down thus, as sincerely 
and plainly as possible ; we come to the question 
point-blank, and think it our duty to say with the 
greatest sincerity, that we do not believe the minis- 
try are in any kind, or with any prospect, near or 
remote, acting for, or with a design or view to 
bring in the pretender. Having granted this, 
we must, however, to prevent any breaking in 
by way of cavil on one hand, or triumph on the 
other, subjoin immediately, that we do not in the 
least grant by this that the protestant succession is 
in no danger, even from several of the measures 
now taken in the world. It is far from any reflec- 
tion upon the ministry, to say, that however they 


may act upon a right sincere principle for the pro- 
testant succession in all they do, which, as above, 
we profess to believe ; yet that many of the 
tools they make use of, are of another make, and 
have no edge to cut any other way ; no thoughts 
to move them towards any other end ; no other 
centre, which they can have any tendency to ; 
that the pretender's interest is the magnet which 
draws them by its secret influence to point to 
him as their pole ; that they have their aim at 
his establishment here, and own it to be their 
aim ; and as they are not shy to profess it among 
themselves, so their conduct in many things makes 
it sufficiently public. This is not meant as any 
reflection upon the ministry for making use of 
such men : the late ministry did the same, and 
every ministry will, and must employ men some- 
times, not as they always join with them in their 
politic principles, but as either the men are found 
useful in their several employments, or as the mi- 
nistry may be under other circumstances, which 
makes it necessary to them to employ them. Nor, 
as the Review well enough observed, does it follow 
that because the ministry have employed, or joined 
with jacobites in the public affairs, that therefore 
they must have done it with a jacobite principle. 
But let the ministry employ these men by what 
necessity, or upon what occasion they will, though 
it may not follow that the ministry are therefore 
for the pretender, yet it does not also follow that 
there is no danger of the protestant succession 
from the employing those sort of people : For, 
what if the queen should die ? 

The ministry, it is hoped, are established in the 
interest of their queen and country ; and there- 
fore it has been argued, that supposing the mi- 
nistry had the pretender in their eye, yet that it 


is irrational to suggest that they can have any 
such view during the life of her present majesty. 
Nay, even those professed jacobites, who we spoke 
of just now, cannot be so ungrateful to think of 
deposing the queen, who has been so bountiful, so 
kind, so exceeding good to them, as in several 
cases to suffer them to be brought into the ma- 
nagement of her own affairs, when by their cha- 
racter they might have been thought dangerous, 
even to her person; thus winning and engaging 
them by her bounty, and the confidence that has 
been placed in them, not to attempt anything to 
her prejudice, without the most monstrous ingrati- 
tude, without flying in the face of all that sense of 
honour and obligation, which it is possible for men 
of common sense to entertain. And it can hardly 
be thought that even papists themselves, under the 
highest possessions of their religious zeal, can con- 
quer the native aversions they must have to such 
abominable ingratitude, or to think of bringing in 
the pretender upon this protestant nation, even while 
the queen shall be on the throne. But though this 
may, and some doubt that also, tie up their hands 
during the queen's life, yet they themselves give us 
but small reason to expect anything from them 
afterward ; and it will be hard to find anybody to 
vouch for them then. These very jacobites, pa- 
pists, and professed enemies to the revolution, may 
be supposed upon these pretensions to be quiet, 
and offer no violence to the present establishment 
while her majesty has the possession, and while 
that life lasts, to which they are so much indebted 
for her royal goodness and clemency. But what 
would they do if the queen should die ? 

Come we next to the French king. We are 
told, that not the French king only, but even the 


whole French nation are wonderfully forward to 
acknowledge the obligation they are under, to the 
justice and favour which they have received from 
her majesty, in the putting an end to the war ; a 
war which lay heavy upon them, and threatened 
the very name of the French nation with ruin, and 
much more threatened the glory of the French 
court, and of their great monarch, with an entire 
overthrow, a total eclipse. A war which, by their 
own confession, it was impossible for them long to 
have supported the expenses of, and which by the 
great superiority of the allies, became dreadful to 
them, and that every campaign more than other ; 
a war which they were in such pain to see the end 
of, that they tried all the powers and courts in 
Christendom, who were the least neutral, to engage 
a mediation in order to a treaty, and all in vain ; 
and a war, which if her majesty had not inclined to 
put an end to, must have ended perhaps to the dis- 
advantage and confusion of both France and Spain, 
if not of all Christendom. The obligations the 
French are under for the bringing this war to so 
just and honourable a conclusion, are not at all 
concealed. Nay, the French themselves have not 
been backward to make them public. The decla- 
rations made by the French king of his sincerity in 
the overtures made for a general peace, the pro- 
testations of his being resolved to enter into an en- 
tire confidence, and a league offensive and defen- 
sive with the queen's majesty, for the preservation 
.of the peace of Christendom, his recognition of her 
majesty's just right to the crown, his entering into 
articles to preserve the union, acknowledging the 
ninth electorate in favour of the house of Hanover, 
and joining in the great affair of the protestant suc- 
cession. As these all convince the world of the 
necessity his affairs were reduced to, and the great 


advantages accruing to him by a peace ; so they 
seem to be so many arguments against our fears of 
the French entering into any engagements against 
the crown of Britain, much less any against the 
possession of the queen during her life. Not that 
the honour and sincerity of the king of France is a 
foundation fit for her majesty or her people to have 
any dependence upon ; and the fraction of former 
treaties by that court when the glory of that mo- 
narch, or his particular views of things has dictated 
such opportunity to him as he thought fit to close 
with, are due cautions to us all not to have any de- 
pendence of that kind. But the state of his affairs, 
and the condition the war has reduced him to, may 
give us some ground to think ourselves safe on that 
side. He knows what power he has taken off from 
his enemies in making peace with her majesty ; he 
knows very well with what loss he sits down, how 
his affairs are weakened, and what need he has to 
take breath after so terrible a war ; besides the 
flame such an action would kindle again in Europe ; 
how it would animate this whole British nation 
against him, in such a manner, and endanger bring- 
ing in a new war, and perhaps a new confederacy 
upon him so violently, and that before he would be 
in a condition to match them ; that no one can 
reasonably suppose the French king will run the 
hazard of it. And these things may tend to make 
some people easier than ordinary in the affair of the 
succession ; believing that the French king stands 
in too much need of the favour of the queen of 
Great Britain, whose power it well behoves him to 
keep in friendship with him, and whose nation he 
will be very cautious of provoking a third time, as 
he has already done twice, to his fatal experience. 
All these things, we say, may seem pretty well to assure 
us that nothing is to be feared on that side so long 


as her majesty lives to sit upon the British throne. 
But all leaves our grand question unanswered ; and 
though we may argue strongly for the French king's 
conduct while the present reign continues, yet few 
will say, What he will do if the queen should die ? 

Nay, we may even mention the pretender him- 
self, if he has any about him whose conncils are fit 
to be depended upon, and can direct him to make 
a wise and prudent judgment of his own affairs ; if 
he acts by any scope of policy, and can take his 
measures with any foresight ; most easy it is for 
them to see that it must be in vain for him to think 
of making any attempt in Britain, during the life of 
the queen ; or to expect to depose her majesty, 
and set himself up. The French power, upon which 
he has already in vain depended, as it has not hi- 
therto been able to serve him, or his father, but 
that their exile has continued now above twenty- 
four years, so much less can he be able to assist 
him now while he has been brought as it were to 
kneel to the British court, to put an end for him to 
this cruel destructive war ; the reason is just spoken 
to, viz., that this would be to rekindle that flame 
which he has gotten so lately quenched, and which 
cost him so much art, so much management, so 
much submission to the allies to endeavour the 
quenching of before. To attack the queen of Great 
Britain now in behalf of the pretender, would not 
only be in the highest degree ungrateful, perfidious, 
and dishonourable; but would for ever make the 
British court, as well as the whole nation, his vio- 
lent and implacable enemies ; but would also in- 
volve him again in a new war with all Europe, who 
would very gladly fall in again with Britain to pull 
down more effectually the French power, which has 
so long been a terror to its neighbours ; so that 
the pretender can expect no help from the king of 

life. x 


France. As to what the pope, the Spaniard, and a 
few petty popish powers, who might pretend upon 
a religious prospect to assist him, and with whose 
aid, and the assistance of his party here, he may 
think fit to hazard an attempt here for the crown, 
it is evident, and his own friends will agree in it, 
that while the queen lives, it is nonsense, and ridi- 
culous for them to attempt it ; that it would imme- 
diately arm the whole nation against them, as one 
man ; and in human probability, it would, like as 
his supposed father was served at the revolution, be 
the ruin of his whole interest, and blow him at once 
quite out of the nation. I believe that there are very 
few who alarm themselves much with the fears of 
the pretender, from the apprehension of his own 
strength from abroad, or from his own party and 
friends at home here, were they once sure that he 
should receive no assistance from the king of 
France. If then the king of France cannot be rea- 
sonably supposed either to be inclined, or be in a 
condition to appear for him, or act in his behalf, 
during the life of the queen ; neither can the pre- 
tender, say some, unless he is resolved to ruin all 
his friends, and at last to ruin himself, make any 
attempt of that kind during her majesty's life. But 
what if the queen should die ? 

Having then viewed the several points of the na- 
tion's compass, whence our danger of jacobite plots 
and projects against the protestant succession 
may be expected to come, let us now inquire a little 
of the state of the nation, that we make a right 
estimate of our condition, and may know what to 
trust to in cases of difficulty, as they lie before us. 
In doing this, as well to avoid giving offence to the 
people now in power, as to the entering into the 
quarrels which engage the present contending par- 
ties in this divided nation ; we shall allow, however 


some may think fit to question it, the main debate ; 
and grant this for the present as a fundamental, 
viz., That we are in no danger of the pretender, 
during this queen's reign, or during this ministry's 
administration under her majesty ; and avoiding 
all contention of that kind, shall allow our condition 
to be safe in every article as we go along, for so 
long as the quHen lives, referring the observation 
of things in every head, to those who can answer 
the main question in our title, viz., But what if the 
queen should die ? 

First of all, it may be noticed, that the present 
safety of this nation, whether we respect liberty, 
religion, property, or public safety and prosperity? 
depends upon this one fundamental, viz., that al- 
luding reverently to that text of scripture, we are 
all built upon the foundation of the late revolution, 
established law and right being the chief corner- 
stone. By this it is that her majesty is made our 
queen, the entail of the crown being reserved in 
the remainder to her majesty in the act of settle- 
ment made at the filling up the vacant throne, and 
by all those subsequent acts which her majesty's 
title was confirmed by, during the life of the late king. 
This revolution is that upon which the liberties and 
religion of this nation, were rebuilt after the confla- 
gration that was made of them in the calamitous 
times of king Charles II., and king James II., 
and from hence to the love of liberty which is found 
almost to be naturally placed in the hearts of true 
Britons ; and upon the view whereof they have 
acted all along in the late war, and in all their 
transactions at home has obtained the title of a " re- 
volution principle." Noting this then, as above, 
that her majesty is our queen by virtue of the revo- 
lution, and that during her reign, that establish- 
ment alone must be the foundation of all her admi- 



nistration ; this must effectually secure us against 
any apprehension that the persons acting under 
her majesty, can act in behalf of the pretender 
during her majesty's life ; for that they must imme- 
diately overthrow the throne, turn the queen out of 
it, and renounce the revolution, upon which her 
majesty's possession is established : as the revolu- 
tion therefore is the base upon whrch the throne of 
her majesty's possession is established ; so her ma- 
jesty, and all that act under her, are obliged to act 
upon the foot of the said revolution, even will they, 
nil they ; or else they sink immediately out of 
rightful power to act at all ; her majesty's title 
would fall to the ground, their own commissions 
would from that hour be void ; they must declare 
their royal mistress and benefactress a subject to 
the pretender, and all her pretences of rightful pos- 
session injurious, and an usurpation. These things 
being so plain, that he that runs may read them, 
seem to stop all our mouths from so much as any 
suggestion that anybody can attempt to bring in 
the pretender upon us during the life of her present 
majesty. But what if the queen should die ? 

Subsequent to the revolution, many essential 
things are formed by our parliaments and govern- 
ment for the public good, on the foundation of 
which much of the present peace of the nation 
is founded ; and while the said revolution-found- 
ation stands fast, there is good ground to believe 
those essential points shall be preserved. If then 
we are satisfied that the revolution principle shall 
subsist as long as the queen lives, then for so long 
we may have good ground to believe we shall enjoy 
all those advantages and benefits which we received 
from the said revolution. But still when we look 
back upon those dear privileges, the obtaining of 
which has cost so much money, and the maintain- 


ing of which has cost so much blood, we must with 
a deep sigh reflect upon the precarious circum- 
stances of the nation, whose best privileges hang 
uncertain upon the nice and tender thread of royal 
mortality, and say we are happy while these last, 
and these may last while her majesty shall live. 
But what if the queen should die ? 

Let us descend to some other particulars of those 
blessings which we do enjoy purely as the effect of 
the revolution, and examine in what posture we 
stand with respect to them, and what assurance we 
have of their continuance : and first, as to tolera- 
tion. This was the greatest and first blessing the 
nation felt after the immediate settlement of the 
crown, which was established by virtue of the revo- 
lution engagement, mentioned in the prince of 
Orange's declaration. The design of this law, as it 
was to give liberty for the worship of God to such 
dissenters as could not conform to the church of 
England, and to give ease to tender consciences, so 
as by the law itself is expressed ; it was to ease the 
minds of their majesties' subjects, and to give gene- 
ral quiet to the nation, whose peace had been fre- 
quently disturbed by the violence of persecution. 
We have seen frequent assurances given of the 
inviolable preservation of this toleration by 
her majesty from the throne in her speeches to 
the parliament ; and during her majesty's reign, 
we have great reason to hope the quiet of the 
poor people shall not be broken by either repeal- 
ing that law, or invading the intent and mean- 
ing of it while in force ; and there are a great many 
reasons to hope that the present ministry are so far 
convinced of the necessity of the said toleration, in 
order to preserve the peace, and the common neigh- 
bourhood of people, that they can have no thought 
of breaking in upon it; or any way making the 


people who enjoy it, uneasy. Nay, the rather we 
believe this, because the ferment such a breach 
would put the whole nation into, is not the safest 
condition the government can be in upon any 
account; and as the ministry cannot be supposed 
to desire to give uneasiness and provocation to the 
commons, but rather to keep them easy and quiet, 
and prevent the enemies of the present manage- 
ment from having any handle to take hold of to 
foment distractions and disturbances among the 
people ; it cannot be thought that they will push 
at the toleration, so as to deprive the people of so 
considerable a thing. But after the present happy 
establishment shall have received such a fatal blow 
as that will be of the queen's death ; and when 
popish pretenders, and French influences shall pre- 
vail, it may well be expected then, that not tolera- 
tion of dissenters only, but even of the whole pro- 
testant religion may be in danger to be lost ; so 
that however secure we are of the free enjoyment 
of liberty of religion during the queen's life, we 
may be very well allowed to ask this ques- 
tion with respect to, not toleration only, but the 
church of England also, viz., what will become of 
them, If the queen should die ? 

From toleration in England, come we to the 
constitution of religious affairs in Scotland ; and 
here we have different views from what the case in 
England affords us ; the powerful interest of jaco- 
bitism, if it may be said to be formidable anywhere, 
is so there. The enemies of the revolution are all 
the implacable enemies of the church establishment 
there : nay, many thousands are the declared ene- 
mies of the revolution, and of the queen's being 
upon the throne, from a mere implacable aversion 
to the presbyterian kirk, which is erected and 
established by that very revolution which has set 


the queen upon the throne. The union, which has 
yet further established that presbyterian kirk, is for 
that reason the aversion of the same people, as it is 
the aversion of the jacobites, by being a further 
confirmation of the Hanover succession, and a 
further fixing the queen upon the throne. Now as 
it is sure, that as before, while the queen lives, and 
the revolution influence carries its usual force in 
the kingdoms now united, the presbyterian kirk 
must and will remain, and all the little encroach- 
ments which have been make upon the kirk, as it 
may be observed, though they have created un- 
easiness enough, yet they still seem to suppose that 
the establishment itself cannot be overthrown. The 
union and the revolution settlement remain in Scot- 
land, and must remain as is said : while the queen 
lives we can have no apprehensions of them ; the 
reasons are given above ; and as we said before, 
we are to take them for granted in this discourse, 
to avoid other cavils. While then the revolution 
and the union are to be the foundation of the ad- 
ministration in Scotland, the presbyterian esta- 
blished church government there must also remain 
as the only legal kirk constitution, and so long we 
can entertain no fears of anything on that account. 
But what if the queen should die ? 

From such religious concerns as effect presby- 
terians, and other sectaries, or dissenters, as we 
call them ; let us take a look at the remote danger 
of the church of England. We have had a great 
deal of distraction in the time of the late minis- 
try, about the danger of the church ; and as it ap- 
pears by the memorial of the church of England, 
published in those times, and reprinted since ; 
by the sermons of Dr. Sacheverell, and the emi- 
nent speeches at his trial, that danger was more 
especially suggested to come from the increase 


of dissenters here, the ministry of the whigs, and 
the establishing presbyterianism in the north of 
Britain. These things being in a great measure 
now overthrown by the late change of the minis- 
try, and the new methods taken in the manage- 
ment of the public affairs, the people, who were 
then supposed to aim at overthrowing the ministry 
of those whigs, are pleased to assure as of the 
safety and flourishing condition of the church, 
now more than ever ; while the other party, tak- 
ing up the like cry of the danger of the church, 
tells us, that now a real visible appearance of 
danger to the church is before us ; and that not 
only to the church of England as such, but even to 
the whole interest and safety of the protestant 
religion in Britain ; that this danger is imminent 
and unavoidable from the great growth and in- 
crease of popery, and professed jacobitism in the 
nation. This indeed they give but too great de- 
monstrations of from the spreading of popish agents 
among us, whose professed employment it is to 
amuse, and impose upon the poor country people, 
as well in matters of jacobitism, as of religion ; 
and the great success these emissaries of Satan 
have obtained in several parts of Britain ; but 
especially in the north. Now though we cannot 
but acknowledge but that much of this alarm is 
justly grounded, and that the endeavours of popish 
and jacobite agents and emissaries in divers parts 
of Britain are too apparently successful, yet as 
wise men could never see into the reality of such 
danger, as was by some people pretended to be 
impending over the church in the time of the 
late ministry, so neither can we allow that popery 
is so evidently at the door at this time, as that we 
should be apprehensive of having the church of 
England immediately trans versed, and the protest- 


ant religion in Britain : and one great reason for 
this opinion is, that her majesty, who is a zealous 
professor of the protestant religion, and has been 
bred up in the bosom of the church of England, is 
so rooted in principle, and has declared from her 
very infancy such horror and aversion to popery, 
that it cannot enter into any true protestant 
thoughts to apprehend anything of that kind, while 
her majesty lives. But, Lord have mercy upon us! 
What if the queen should die ? 

From religious matters, come we next to consider 
civil interest, liberties, privileges, properties; the 
great article that in the late revolution went always 
coupled in the nation's negative with that of religion, 
as if they were woven together ; and was always 
cried upon by the mob in one breath, viz., No po- 
pery, no slavery. The first of these concerns our 
civil interest ; such as the public credit, by the 
occasions of a long and expensive war, and to pre- 
vent levying severe taxes for the carrying on the 
war, such as would be grievous to trade, oppressive 
to the poor, and difficult to be paid. The parlia- 
ment for the ease of the subjects, thought fit, ra- 
ther to lay funds of interest to raise money upon, 
by way of loan ; establishing those interests, pay- 
able as annuities, and annual payments for the be- 
nefit of those who advanced their money for the 
public service. And to make these things current, 
that the public credit might be sacred, and the 
people be made free to advance their money ; all 
possible assurances of parliament have been given, 
that the payments of interests and annuities shall 
be kept, punctually, and exactly according to the 
acts of parliament, that no misapplications of the 
money shall be made, or converting the money 
received upon one, to make good the deficiency of 
the other ; and hitherto the injunctions of that kind 


have been exactly observed, and the payments 
punctually made, which we call the credit of the 
nation. At the first of the late change, when the 
new ministry began to act, the fright the people 
were put in upon the suggestion of some, that all 
the parliamentary funds should be wiped off with a 
sponge, was very considerable ; and the credit of 
those funds sunk exceedingly with but the bare 
apprehension of such a blow, the sums being infi- 
nitely great, and the number of indigent families 
being incredibly many, whose whole substance lay 
in those securities, and whose bread depended upon 
those interests being punctually paid ; but wiser 
men saw quickly there was no ground for those 
fears ; that the new ministry stood upon a foot that 
could no more be supported without the public 
credit, than those that went before them ; that 
especially while they were under a necessity of bor- 
rowing further sums, they behoved to secure the 
punctual paying of the old ; and by making the 
people entirely easy, not only take from them the 
apprehensions they were under of losing what they 
lent already, but make them forward and willing 
to advance more to this purpose, they not only 
endeavoured to give the people all satisfaction that 
their money was safe, and that the funds laid by 
the parliament in the former ministry should be 
kept sacred, and the payments punctually made, 
but took care to obtain parliamentary securities, by 
real funds to be settled for the payment of those 
debts contracted by the former ministry ; and for 
which no provision was made before. This was the 
establishment of a fund for payment of the interests 
of the navy debt, ordnance, victualling, transport, 
&c, to the value of seven or eight millions ; which 
is the substance of what we now call the South-sea 
stock. By this means the public credit, which it 


was suggested would receive such a blow, at the 
Change as that it should never recover again and 
that it would be impossible for the new ministry to 
raise any needful sums of money for the carrying 
on the war, or for the public occasions, recovered 
itself so as that the government hath ever since 
found it easy to borrow whatever sums they thought 
fit to demand, in the same manner as before. Now 
that these loans are safe, no man that weighs the 
circumstances of the ministry and government, and 
the circumstances of the people, can doubt ; the 
first being in a constant necessity of supporting the 
public credit for the carrying on the public affairs, 
on any sudden emergency that may happen ; and 
being liable to the resentment of parliament, if any 
open infraction should be made upon the funds, 
which touches so nearly the honour of the parlia- 
ments, and the interest of most of the best families 
in the nation. While this is the case, we think it 
is not rational to believe that any ministry will 
venture to attack parliamentary credit, in such a 
manner ; and this will eminently be the case as 
long as her majesty sits on the throne. Nor can a 
thing so barefacedly tyrannical and arbitrary, and, 
above all, dishonourable and unjust, be suggested, 
as possible to be attempted in the reign of so just 
and conscientious a prince ; so that we may be very 
willing to allow that there is not the least danger of 
the public faith being broken, the public credit lost, 
the public funds stopped, or the money being mis- 
applied. No cheat, no sponge while her majesty 
lives. But, alas for us ! What if the queen should 

From this piece of civil right, come we to those 
things we call liberties, and privileges. These may 
indeed be joined in some respects ; but as we are 
engaged in speaking particularly to such points, 


wherein our present dangers do, or do not appear ; 
it is proper to mention them apart. Privileges 
may be distinguished here from liberties, as they 
respect affairs of trade, corporations, parliaments, 
and legislature, &c. Liberty, as they respect laws, 
establishments, declared right, and such like. As 
to the first, from the revolution to this time, they 
have not only been confirmed, which we had be- 
fore, but many privileges added to the people, 
some of which are essential to the well-being of the 
kingdom. All the quo warrantos against corpora- 
tion privileges, the high commission court against the 
church's privileges extending prerogative in detri- 
ment of the subject's natural right, and many such 
things, which were fatal to the privileges of this 
protestant nation, were laid aside, and received 
their just condemnation in the revolution ; and not 
so only, but the privileges obtained since the revo- 
lution by consent of parliament, are very consider- 
able ; such as the toleration to this part of Britain, 
and the establishment of the church of Scotland ; 
for the north part ; in matters of religion ; such as 
the triennial election of parliaments ; in civil affairs, 
such as the several corporations granted upon really 
useful foundations in trade ; as the bank company, 
&c, and such like. These and many more, which 
may be named, and which these are named only as 
heads of, are secured to us by law ; and those laws 
yet again made sure to us by the honour and vera- 
city of her majesty, and as long as her majesty's 
life is spared to these nations, we have great reason 
to believe we shall rather increase than lose our 
privileges. But what if the queen should die ? 

Our liberties, which come next in order, may 
be summed up in what we call legal, and native 
right ; or such as by the natural consequence of a 
free nation, and a just government ; or such as by 


mutual assent and consent of sovereign and subject, 
are become the legal right of the latter. These, 
needless to be enumerated here, are summed up 
into one ; or are expressly enacted by statute law, 
and thereby become fundamental to the constitu- 
tion. These receive no wound, but one of these 
two ways, either by open infraction and contempt 
of right, or by dispensing arbitrary power ; both of 
which, by the many assurances from the throne, by 
the constant jealousies of parliaments, and the full 
liberty they have more of late than ever taken to 
examine into, and censure breaches of the laws, 
we are very well assured shall not be attempted in 
her majesty's time : nay, on the contrary, the supe- 
riority, and influence of parliaments over and upon 
the management of public matters, nay, even 
their influence upon the royal majesty of the sove- 
reign, has been such, and has in such a manner in- 
sensibly increased of late, that the like has never 
been known or practised in this nation for some 
ages before. We see her majesty declines extend- 
ing her prerogative, either to the detriment of her 
subjects, in cases civil or religious, and wherein it 
might be so extended ; nay, when even the parliament 
have desired her to extend it : so that we have a 
great satisfaction in the safety of our established 
liberties, and that no tyrannical, arbitrary invasions 
of right shall be made during her majesty's reign. 
But what if the queen should die ? 

In like manner for our properties, our estates, 
inheritance, lands, goods, lives, liberties, &c. 
These are effectually secured by laws of the land, 
and the sovereign in this country, having no right, 
but by law, to any part of the subject's estate, 
causes that estate to be called property. The 
kings and queens of Britain are monarchs limited 


to act by the laws. When they cease to rule by 
law, the constitution is broken, and they be- 
come tyrants, and arbitrary, despotic invaders of 
right. This is declared by the revolution, wherein 
the rights of the subject are openly, not set down 
only, but claimed, demanded as what justice re- 
quired should be granted to them, and as what the 
sovereign, as aforesaid, has no right, no pretence, 
no just authority to take, or detain from him. 
This is the great capital and fundamental article of 
Magna Charta, and the foundation upon which 
all the laws subsequent and consequential to 
Magna Charta have been made. [No freeman shall 
be taken or imprisoned, or be disseized of his free- 
hold, or liberties, or free customs, or be outlawed, 
or exiled, or otherwise destroyed ; nor ive will not 
pass upon him, nor condemn him, but by laioful* 
judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land. 
Magna Charta, cap. xxix.] The words are plain 
and direct ; and as to the subject we are now upon, 
they require no comment, no explication. What- 
ever they do, as to pleading in law the proof of the 
subject's right to the free possession of his own pro- 
perty, is also the less needful to enlarge upon here, 
because it is acknowledged in full and express 
terms by the sovereign, as well in practice, as in 
expression. Her majesty, adhering strictly to this, 
as a rule, has from the beginning of her reign made 
it her golden rule, to govern according to law. 
Nor, while the establishment of the crown itself is 
built upon the legal constitution of this nation, can 
it be otherwise here : that prince that governs 
here and not by law, may be said rather to oppress 
than to govern ; rather to overrule, than to rule 
over his people. Now it cannot without great and 
unjustifiable violence to her majesty's just govern- 
ment, be suggested, that we are in any danger of 


oppression during the righteous administration of 
her majesty's reign. The queen raises no money 
without act of parliament, keeps up no standing 
army in time of peace, disseizes no man of his pro- 
perty or estate ; but every man sits in safety under 
his own vine, and his fig-tree ; and we doubt not 
but we shall do as long as her majesty lives. But 
what if the queen should die ? 

Possibly cavils may rise in the mouths of those 
whose conduct this nice question may seem to 
affect, that this is a question unfit to be asked, and 
questionless such people will have much to say 
upon that subject ; as that it is a factious question, 
a question needless to be answered, and imperti- 
nent therefore to be asked ; that it is a question 
which respects things remote, and serves only to fill 
the heads of the people with fears and jealousies ; 
that it is a question to which no direct answer can 
be given, and which suggests strange surmises, and 
amuses people about they know not what, and is of 
no use, but to make people uneasy without cause. 

As there is no objection, which is material enough 
to make, but is material enough to answer, so this, 
although there is nothing of substance in it, may 
introduce something in its answer of substance 
enough to consider : it is therefore most necessary 
to convince the considering reader of the usefulness 
and necessity of putting this question ; and then 
likewise the usefulness and necessity of putting 
this question now at this time ; and if it appear to 
be both a needful question itself, and a seasonabe 
question, as to time, the rest of the cavils against it 
will deserve the less regard. That it is a needful 
question, seems justified more abundantly from a 
very great example, to wit, the practice of the 
whole nation, in settling the succession of the 


crown. This I take to be nothing else but this : 
the queen having no issue of her body, and the 
pretender to the crown being expelled by law, in- 
cluded in his father's disastrous flight and abdica- 
tion ; when the parliament came to consider of the 
state of the nation, as to government as it now 
stands ; that king William being lately dead, and 
her majesty with universal joy of her people, being 
received as queen, the safety, and the lasting hap- 
piness of the nation is so far secured. But what if 
the queen should die ? 

The introduction to all the acts of parliaments 
for settling the crown, implies thus much, and 
speaks directly this language, viz., to make the na- 
tion safe and easy in case the queen should die : 
nor are any of those acts of parliament impeached 
of faction, or impertinences ; much less of needless 
blaming the people, and filling their heads with 
fears and jealousies. If this example of the parlia- 
ment is not enough justifying to this inquiry, the 
well known truth, upon which that example of par- 
liament is grounded, is sufficient to justify it, viz., 
that we all know the queen must die. None say 
this with more concern and regret than those who 
are forwardest to put this question, as being of the 
opinion above said, that we are effectually secured 
against the pretender, and against all the terrifying 
consequences of the Frenchified governors, during 
her majesty's life. But this is evident, the queen 
is mortal, though crowned with all that flattering 
courtiers can bring together, to make her appear 
great, glorious, famous, or what you please ; yet 
the queen, yea the queen herself, is mortal, 
and must die. It is true, kings and queens 
are called gods ; but this respects their sacred 
power : nothing supposing an immortality attend- 


ing their persons, for they all die like other men, 
and their dust knows no distinction in the grave. 
Since then it is most certain that the queen must 
die, and our safety and happiness in this nation de- 
pends so much upon the stability of our liberties, 
religion, and aforesaid dependencies after her ma- 
jesty's life shall end, it cannot be a question offen- 
sive to any who has any concern in the public good, 
to inquire into what shall be the state of our condi- 
tion, or the posture of our affairs, when the queen 
shall die ; but this is not all neither. As the queen 
is mortal, and we are assured she must die, so we 
are none of us certain as to be able to know when, 
or how soon, that disaster may happen ; at what 
time, or in what manner. This then, as it may be 
remote, and not a long time ; God of his infinite 
mercy grant it may be long first, and not before 
this difficult question we are upon be effectually 
and satisfactorily answered to the nation ; so on 
the other side, it may be near : none of us know 
how near, the fatal blow may befall us soon, and 
sooner far than we may be ready ; for to-day it 
may come, while the cavilling reader is objecting 
against our putting this question, and calling it 
unreasonable and needless ; while the word is in 
thy very mouth, mayest thou hear the fatal, melan- 
choly news, the queen is dead. News that must 
one time or other be heard ; the word will certainly 
come some time or other, to be spoken in the pre- 
sent sense, and to be sure in the time they are 
spoken in. How can any one then say, that it is 
improper to ask what shall be our case, what shall 
we do, or what shall be done with us, If the queen 
should die ? 

But we have another melancholy incident, which 
attends the queen's mortality, and which makes 
this question more than ordinarily seasonable to be 

life, y 


asked at this time ; and that is, that not only the 
queen is mortal, and she must die, and the time 
uncertain ; so that she may die, even to-day, before 
to-morrow, or in a very little space of time : but 
her life is, under God's providence, at the mercy 
of papists and jacobites' people ; who, the one by 
their principles, and the other by the circumstances 
of their party, are more than ordinarily to be ap- 
prehended for their bloody designs against her ma- 
jesty, and against the whole nation. Nay, there 
seems more reason to be apprehensive of the dan- 
gerous attempts of these desperate people, at this 
time, than ever, even from the very reasons which 
are given all along in this work, for our being safe 
in our privileges, our religious and civil rights, dur- 
ing her majesty's life. It would be mispending your 
time to prove that the papists and jacobite parties 
in this nation, however they may, as we have said, 
be under ties and obligations of honour, interest, 
and gratitude, &c, not to make attempt upon us 
during the queen's life ; yet that they are more en- 
couraged at this time than ever they were to hope 
and believe, that when the queen shall die, their 
turn stands next. This, we say, we believe is lost 
labour to speak of : the said people, the popish and 
tory party, will freely own and oppose it. They all 
take their obligations to the queen to end with her 
majesty's life. The French king, however in ho- 
nour and gratitude he may think himself bound not 
to encourage the pretender to insult her majesty's 
dominions, while the queen, with whom he person- 
ally is engaged by treaty, shall remain alive, will 
think himself fully at liberty from those obligations 
when the queen shall die. If we are not misinformed 
of the French affairs, and of the notions they have 
in France of these things, they are generally no 
otherwise understood than that the king of France is 


engaged by the peace now in view, not to disturb her 
majesty's possession during her reign and her life ; 
but that then the pretender's right is to be received 
everywhere. The pretender himself, howsoever, 
as above said, he may despair of his success in 
attempting to take possession during the queen's 
life, will not fail to assume new hopes at her ma- 
jesty's death : so much then of the hopes of po- 
pery and French power ; so much of the interest 
of the pretender depending upon the single thread 
of life of a mortal person ; and we being well 
assured that they look upon her majesty only as 
the incumbent in a living, or tenant for life in 
an estate, what is more natural, than in this case 
for us to apprehend danger to the life of the queen ; 
especially to such people, who are known not to 
make much consciences of murdering princes, with 
whom the king-killing doctrine is so universally 
received, and who were so often detected of vil- 
lanous practices and plots against the life of 
queen Elizabeth, her majesty's famous predecessor, 
and that upon the same foundation, viz., the 
queen of Scots being the popish pretender to the 
crown ; what can we expect from the same party, 
and men acting from the same principles, but the 
same practices? It is known that the queen, by 
course of nature, may live many years, and these 
people have many reasons to be impatient of so 
much delay. They know that many accidents may 
intervene to make the circumstances of the nation, 
at the- time of the queen's death, less favourable to 
their interests than they are now ; they may have 
fewer friends, as well in power, as out of power, by 
length of time, and the like : these, and such as 
these considerations may excite villanous and mur- 
derous practices against the precious life of our 

y 2 


sovereign (God protect her majesty from them); 
but while all these considerations so naturally offer 
themselves to us, it seems most rational, needful, 
seasonable, and just, that we should be asking and 
answering this great question, What if the queen 
should die ? 

Thus far we have only asked the question itself, 
and showed our reasons, or endeavoured to justify 
the reasonableness of the inquiry. It follows that 
we make some brief essay as an answer to the 
question. This may be done many ways ; but the 
design of this tract is rather to put the question 
into your thought, than to put an answer into your 
mouths. The several answers which may be given 
to this important question may not be proper for a 
public print ; and some may not be fit so much as 
to be spoken. The question is not without its uses, 
whether it be answered or no, if the nation be suffi- 
ciently awakened but to ask the question among 
themselves ; they will be brought by thinking of the 
thing to answer it one to another in a short space. 
The people of Britain want only to be showed what 
imminent danger they are in, in case of the queen's 
decease : how much their safety and felicity depend 
upon the life of her majesty, and what a state of 
confusion, distress, and all sorts of dreadful calami- 
ties they will fall into at her majesty's death, if 
something be not done to settle them before her 
death ; and if they are not during her majesty's 
life secured from the power of France, and the dan- 
ger of the pretender. 




" Statuimus pacem, et securitatem, et concordiam, judicium 
et justiciam, inter Anglos et Normandos, Francos, et Britones 
Walliae et Cornubise, Pictos et Scotos Albania, similiter 
inter Francos et Insulares Provincias et Patrias quae pertinent 
ad coronam nostram et inter omnes nobis subjectos, firmiter 
et inviolabiliter observari.'" Charta Regis Wilhelmi Conqui- 
sitoris de pace publico,. Cap. 1. London, 1701. ito. pp» 69. 

Daniel De Foe, incensed at the cry against 
foreigners, which the opponents of king William 
excited against his Dutch favourites and guards, 
composed the following Satire in their defence. It 
was written especially in answer to Tutchin's " Fo- 
reigner," an abusive poem. 



The end of satire is reformation : and the author, 
though he doubt the work of conversion is at a 
general stop, has put his hand in the plough. I 
expect a storm of ill language from the fury of the 
town ; and especially from those whose English 
talent it is to rail : and, without being taken for a 
conjurer, I may venture to foretell, that I shall be 
cavilled at about my mean style, rough verse, and 
incorrect language, things I indeed might have taken 
more care in. But the book is printed ; and though 
I see some faults, it is too late to mend them. And 
this is all I think needful to say to them. 

Possibly somebody may take me for a Dutch- 
man ; in which they are mistaken : but I am one 
that would be glad to see Englishmen behave them- 
selves better to strangers, and to governors also ; 
that one might not be reproached in foreign coun- 
tries for belonging to a nation that wants manners. 

I assure you, gentlemen, strangers use us better 
abroad ; and we can give no reason but our ill- 
nature for the contrary here. 


Methinks an Englishman, who is so proud of 
being called a good fellow, should be civil. And it 
cannot be denied, but we are, in many cases, and 
particularly to strangers, the most churlish people 

As to vices, who can dispute our intemperance, 
while an honest drunken fellow is a character in a 
man's praise. All our reformations are banters, 
and will be so, till our magistrates and gentry re- 
form themselves, by way of example ; then, and 
not till then, they may be expected to punish others 
without blushing. 

As to our ingratitude, I desire to be understood 
of that particular people, who, pretending to be 
protestants, have all along endeavoured to reduce 
the liberties and religion of this nation into the 
hands of king James and his popish powers : toge- 
ther with such who enjoy the peace and protection 
of the present government, and yet abuse and 
affront the king who procured it, and openly pro- 
fess their uneasiness under him : these, by what- 
soever names or titles they are dignified or distin- 
guished, are the people aimed a,t ; nor do I disown, 
but that it is so much the temper of an English- 
man to abuse his benefactor, that I could be glad 
to see it rectified. 

They who think I have been guilty of any error, 
in exposing the crimes of my own countrymen to 
themselves, may, among many honest instances of 
the like nature, find the same thing in Mr. Cowley, 



in his imitation of the second Olympic Ode of 
Pindar ; his words are these : 

But in this thankless world, the givers 
Are envied even by the receivers. 
'Tis now the cheap and frugal fashion, 
Rather to hide than pay an obligation. 
Nay, 'tis much worse than so ; 
It now an artifice doth grow, 
Wrongs and outrages they do, 
Lest men should think we owe. 


Speak, Satire, for there's none can tell like thee, 
Whether 'tis folly, pride, or knavery, 
That makes this discontented land appear 
Less happy now, in times of peace, than war ; 
Why civil feuds disturb the nation more 
Than all our bloody wars have done before. 

Fools, out of favour, grudge at knaves in place, 
And men are always honest in disgrace. 
The court preferments make men knaves in course, 
But they which would be in them would be worse. 
'Tis not at foreigners that we repine, 
Would foreigners their perquisites resign: 
The grand contention's plainly to be seen, 
To get some men put out, and some put in. 
For this our senators make long harangues, 
And florid ministers whet their polished tongues, 
Statesmen are always sick of one disease, 
And a good pension gives them present ease. 
That's the specific makes them all content 
With any king, and any government. 
Good patriots at court- abuses rail, 
And all the nation's grievances bewail : 
But when the sov'reign balsam's once applied, 
The zealot never fails to change his side, 
And when he must the golden key resign, 
The railing spirit comes about again. 



Who shall this bubbled nation disabuse, 
While they their own felicities refuse ? 
Who, at the wars have made such mighty pother, 
And now are falling out with one another : 
With needless fear the jealous nations fill, 
And always have been saved against their will ; 
Who fifty millions sterling have disbursed, 
To be with peace and too much plenty, cursed ; 
Who their old monarch eagerly undo, 
And yet uneasily obey the new. 
Search, Satire, search, a deep incision make, 
The poison's strong, the antidote's too weak : 
'Tis pointed truth must manage this dispute, 
And downright English, Englishmen confute. 

Whet thy just anger at the nation's pride, 
And with keen phrase repel the vicious tide, 
To Englishmen their own beginning show, 
And ask them, why they slight their neighbours so : 
Go back to elder times, and ages past, 
And nations into long oblivion cast ; 
To elder Britain's youthful days retire, 
And there for true-born Englishmen inquire, 
Britannia freely will disown the name, 
And hardly knows herself from whence they came ; 
Wonders that they, of all men, should pretend 
To birth, and blood, and for a name contend. 
Go back to causes where our follies dwell, 
And fetch the dark original from hell : 
Speak, Satire, for there's none like thee can tell. 




Wherever God erects a house of prayer, 
The devil always builds a chapel there : 
And "twill be found, upon examination, 
The latter has the largest congregation : 
For ever since he first debauch'd the mind, 
He made a perfect conquest of mankind. 
With uniformity of service, he 
Reigns with general aristocracy. 
No non-conforming sects disturb his reign, 
For of his yoke there's very few complain. 
He knows the genius and the inclination, 
And matches proper sins for ev'ry nation. 
He needs no standing army government ; 
He always rules us by our own consent : 
His laws are easy, and his gentle sway 
Makes it exceeding pleasant to obey. 
The list of his vicegerents and commanders, 
Outdoes your Caesars, or your Alexanders ; 
They never fail of his infernal aid, 
And he's as certain ne'er to be betray'd. 


Through all the world they spread his vast command, 

And death's eternal empire is maintain'd. 

They rule so politicly and so well, 

As if they were lords justices of hell ; 

Duly divided to debauch mankind, 

And plant infernal dictates in his mind. 

Pride, the first peer, and president of hell, 
To his share, Spain, the largest province, fell. 
The subtle prince thought fittest to bestow 
On these the golden mines of Mexico, 
With all the silver mountains of Peru ; 
Wealth which in wise hands would the world undo ; 
Because he knew their genius was such, 
Too lazy and too haughty to be rich : 
_ So proud a people, so above their fate, 
That, if reduced to beg, they'll beg in state : 
Lavish of money, to be counted brave, 
And proudly starve, because they scorn to save ; 
Never was nation in the world before, 
So very rich, and yet so very poor. 

Lust chose the torrid zone of Italy, 
Where blood ferments in rapes and sodomy : 
Where swelling veins o'erflow with living streams. 
With heat impregnate from Vesuvian flames ; 
Whose flowing sulphur forms infernal lakes, 
And human body of the soil partakes. 
There nature ever burns with hot desires, 
Fann'd with luxuriant air from subterranean fires : 
Here undisturb'd, in floods of scalding lust, 
Th' infernal king reigns with infernal gust. 

Drunkenness, the darling favourite of hell, 
Chose Germany to rule ; and rules so well, 
No subjects more obsequiously obey, 
None please so well, or are so pleased as they; 



The cunning artist manages so well, 

He lets them bow to heav'n, and drink to hell. 

If but to wine and him they homage pay, 

He cares not to what deity they pray ; 

What god they worship most, or in what way. 

Whether by Luther, Calvin, or by Rome, 

They sail for heaven, by wine he steers them home. 

Ungovern'd passion settled first in France, 
Where mankind lives in haste, and thrives by chance; 
A dancing nation, fickle, and untrue, 
Have oft undone themselves, and others too ; 
Prompt the infernal dictates to obey, 
And in hell's favour none more great than they. 

The pagan world he blindly leads away, 
And personally rules with arbitrary sway : 
The mask thrown off, plain devil his title stands ; 
And what elsewhere he tempts, he there commands ; 
There, with full gust, th' ambition of his mind, 
Governs, as he of old in heaven design'd : 
Worshipp'd as God, his Paynim altars smoke, 
Imbrued with blood of those that him invoke. 

The rest by deputies he rules so well, 
And plants the distant colonies of hell ; 
By them his secret power he firm maintains, 
And binds the world in his infernal chains. 

By Zeal the Irish, and the Russ by Folly, 
Fury the Dane, the Swede by Melancholy ; 
By stupid Ignorance, the Muscovite ; 
The Chinese by a child of hell, call'd Wit ; 
Wealth makes the Persian too effeminate ; 
And Poverty the Tartar desperate : 
The Turks and Moors, by Mah'met he subdues ; 
And God has given him leave to rule the Jews : 

life. z 


Rage rules the Portuguese, and Fraud the Scotch ; 
Revenge the Pole, and Avarice the Dutch. 

Satire, be kind, and draw a silent veil, 
Thy native England's vices to conceal : 
Or if that task's impossible to do, 
At least be just, and show her virtues too ; 
Too great the first, alas ! the last too few. 

England, unknown, as yet unpeopled lay, — 
Happy, had she remain'd so to this day, 
And still to ev'ry nation been a prey. 
Her open harbours, and her fertile plains, 
The merchant's glory these, and those the swain's, 
To ev'ry barbarous nation have betray'd her ; 
"Who conquer her as oft as they invade her, 
So beauty, guarded but by innocence, 
That ruins her which should be her defence. 

Ingratitude, a devil of black renown, 
Possess'd her very early for his own : 
An ugly, surly, sullen, selfish spirit, 
Who Satan's worst perfections does inherit ; 
Second to him in malice and in force, 
All devil without, and all within him worse. 

He made her first-born race to be so rude, 
And sufFer'd her to be so oft subdued ; 
Bv sev'ral crowds of wandering thieves o'errun, 
Often unpeopled, and as oft undone, 
While ev'ry nation that her powers reduced, 
Their languages and manners introduced ; 
From whose mix'd relics our compounded breed, 
By spurious generation does succeed ; 
Making a race uncertain and uneven, 
Derived from all the nations under heaven. 


The Romans first with Julius Caesar came, 
Including all the nations of that name, 
Gauls, Greek, and Lombards; and, by computation, 
Auxiliaries or slaves of ev'ry nation. 
With Hengist, Saxons ; Danes with Sweno came, 
In search of plunder, not in search of fame. 
Scots, Picts, and Irish from th' Hibernian shore ; 
And conq'ring William brought the Normans o'er. 

All these their barb'rous offspring left behind, 
The dregs of armies, they of all mankind ; 
Blended with Britons, who before were here, 
Of whom the Welch ha' blest the character. 

From this amphibious, ill-born mob began, 
That vain ill-natured thing, an Englishman. 
The customs, sirnames, languages, and manners, 
Of all these nations, are their own explainers ; 
Whose relics are so lasting and so strong, 
They've left a Shibboleth upon our tongue ; 
By which, with easy search, you may distingush 
Your Roman, Saxon, Danish, Norman, English. 

The great invading Norman let us know 
What conquerors in after-times might do. 
To ev'ry musqueteer he brought to town 
He gave the lands which never were his own ; 
When first the English crown he did obtain, 
He did not send his Dutchmen home again. 
No re-assumptions in his reign were known, 
Davenant might there ha' let his book alone. 
No parliament his army could disband ; 
He raised no money, for he paid in land. 
He gave his legions their eternal station, 
And made them all freeholders of the nation. 
He cantoned out the country to his men, 
And ev'ry soldier was a denizen. 



The rascals thus enrich'd, he called them lords, 
To please their upstart pride with new-made words, 
And doomsday-book his tyranny records. 

And here begins the ancient pedigree 
That so exalts our poor nobility. 
'Tis that from some French trooper they derive, 
Who with the Norman bastard did arrive : 
The trophies of the families appear ; 
Some show the sword, the bow, and some the spear, 
Which their great ancestor, forsooth, did wear. 
These in the herald's register remain, 
Their noble mean extraction to explain, 
Yet who the hero was no man can tell, 
Whether a drummer or a colonel : 
The silent record blushes to reveal 
Their undescended dark original. 

But grant the best. How came the change to pass ; 
A true-born Englishman of Norman race ? 
A Turkish horse can show more history, 
To prove his well-descended family. 
Conquest, as by the moderns 'tis express'd, 
May give a title to the lands possess'd ; 
But that the longest sword should be so civil, 
To make a Frenchman English, that's the devil. 

These are the heroes that despise the Dutch, 
And rail at new-come foreigners so much ; 
Forgetting that themselves are all derived 
From the most scoundrel race that ever lived ; 
A horrid crowd of rambling thieves and drones, 
Who ransacked kingdoms and dispeopled towns ; 
The Pict and painted Briton, treach'rous Scot, 
By hunger, theft, and rapine, hither brought ; 
Norwegian pirates, buccaneering Danes, 
Whose red-hair'd offspring everywhere remains ; 


Who, join'd with Norman French, compound thebreed 
From whence your true-born Englishmen proceed. 

And lest, by length of time, it be pretended, 
The climate may this modern breed have mended ; 
Wise Providence, to keep us where we are, 
Mixes us daily with exceeding care ; 
We have been Europe's sink, the jakes, where she 
Voids all her offal, outcast progeny ; 
From our fifth Henry's time the strolling bands 
Of banish'd fugitives from neighb'ring lands, 
Have here a certain sanctuary found : 
The eternal refuge of the vagabond, 
Where in but half a common age of time, 
Borrowing new blood and manners from the clime, 
Proudly they learn all mankind to contemn, 
And all their race are true-born Englishmen. 

Dutch Walloons, Flemings, Irishmen, and Scots, 
Vaudois, and Valtolins, and Hugenots, 
In good queen Bess's charitable reign, 
Supplied us with three hundred thousand men : 
Religion, — God, we thank thee ! — sent them hither, 
Priests, protestants, the devil, and all together ; 
Of all professions, and of ev'ry trade, 
All that were persecuted or afraid ; 
Whether for debt, or other crimes, they fled, 
David at Hackelah was still their head. 

The offspring of this miscellaneous crowd, 
Had not their new plantations long enjoy'd, 
But they grew Englishmen, and raised their votes, 
At foreign shoals of interloping Scots ; 
The royal branch from Pict-land did succeed, 
With troops of Scots and scabs from north of Tweed; 
The seven first years of his pacific reign, 
Made him and half his nation Englishmen. 



Scots from the northern frozen banks of Tay, 
With packs and plods came whigging all away, 
Thick as the locusts which in Egypt swarm'd 
With pride and hungry hopes completely arm'd ; 
With native truth, diseases, and no money, 
Plunder'd our Canaan of the milk and honey ; 
Here they grew quickly lords and gentlemen, 
And all their race are true-born Englishmen. 

The civil wars, the common purgative, 
Which always use to make the nation thrive, 
Made way for all that strolling congregation, 
Which throng'd in pious Charles's restoration. 
The royal refugee our breed restores, 
With foreign courtiers, and with foreign whores : 
And carefully repeopled us again, 
Throughout his lazy, long, lascivious reign, 
With such a blest and true-born English fry, 
As much illustrates our nobility. 
A gratitude which will so black appear, 
As future ages must abhor to bear : 
When they look back on all that crimson flood, 
Which stream'd in Lindsey's and Caernarvon's 
blood ; 

Bold Strafford, Cambridge, Capel, Lucas, Lisle, 

Who crown'd in death his father's fun'ral pile. 

The loss of whom, in order to supply 

With true-born English nobility, 

Six bastard dukes survive his luscious reign, 

The labours of Italian Castlemain, 

French Portsmouth, Tabby Scott, and Cambrian ; 

Besides the num'rous bright and virgin throng, 

Whose female glories shade them from my song. 

This offspring if our age they multiply, 

May half the house with English peers supply : 

There with true English pride they may contemn 

Schomberg and Portland, new-made noblemen. 


French cooks, Scotch pedlars, and Italian whores, 
Were all made lords or lords' progenitors. 
Beggars and bastards by this new creation 
Much multiplied the peerage of the nation ; 
Who will be all, ere one short age runs o'er, 
As true-born lords as those we had before. 

Then to recruit the commons he prepares, 
And heal the latent breaches of the wars ; 
The pious purpose better to advance, 
He invites the banish'd protestants of France ; 
Hither for God's sake, and their own, they fled, 
Some for religion came, and some for bread : 
Two hundred thousand pair of wooden shoes, 
Who, God be thanked, had nothing left to lose ; 
To heaven's great praise did for religion fly, 
To make us starve our poor in charity. 
In ev'ry port they plant their fruitful train, 
To get a race of true-born Englishmen ; 
Whose children will, when riper years they see, 
Be as ill-natur'd, and as proud as we ; 
Call themselves English, foreigners despise, 
Be surly like us all, and just as wise. 

Thus from a mixture of all kinds began, 
That heterogeneous thing, an Englishman : 
In eager rapes, and furious lust begot, 
Betwixt a painted Briton and a Scot : 
Whose gend'ring offspring quickly learn to bow, 
And yoke their heifers to the Roman plough ; 
From whence a mongrel half-bred race there came, 
With neither name nor nation, speech or fame, 
In whose hot veins new mixtures quickly ran, 
Infused betwixt a Saxon and a Dane ; 
While their rank daughters to their parents just, 
Received all nations with promiscuous lust. 


This nauseous brood directly did contain 
The well extracted blood of Englishmen. 

Which medley, canton'd in a heptarchy, 
A rhapsody of nations to supply, 
Among themselves maintain'd eternal wars, 
And still the ladies lov'd the conquerors. 

The western Angles all the rest subdued, 
A bloody nation, barbarous and rude ; 
Who by the tenure of the sword possess'd 
One part of Britain, and subdued the rest : 
And as great things denominate the small, 
The conquering part gave title to the whole ; 
The Scot, Pict, Briton, Roman, Dane, submit, 
And with the English Saxon all unite : 
And these the mixture have so close pursued, 
The very name and memory's subdued ; 
No Roman now, no Briton does remain ; 
Wales strove to separate, but strove in vain : 
The silent nations undistinguish'd fall, 
And Englishman's the common name for all. 
Fate jumbled them together, God knows how ; 
Whate'er they were, they're true-born English 

The wonder which remains is at our pride, 
To value that which all wise men deride ; 
For Englishmen to boast of generation 
Cancels their knowledge, and lampoons the na- 

A true-born Englishman's a contradiction, 
In speech an irony, in fact a fiction ; 
A banter made to be a test of fools, 
Which those that use it justly ridicules ; 
A metaphor intended to express, 
A man akin to all the universe. 



For as the Scots, as learned men have said, 
Throughout the world their wand'ring seed have 

So open-handed England, 'tis believed, 
Has all the gleanings of the world received. 

Some think of England 'twas our Saviour meant, 
The Gospel should to all the world be sent : 
Since when the blessed sound did hither reach, 
They to all nations might be said to preach. 

'Tis well that virtue gives nobility, 
Else God knows where had we our gentry, 
Since scarce one family is left alive, 
Which does not from some foreigner derive. 
Of sixty thousand English gentlemen, 
Whose names and arms in registers remain, 
We challenge all our heralds to declare 
Ten families which English Saxons are. 

France justly boasts the ancient noble line 
Of Bourbon, Montmorency, and Lorraine. 
The Germans too their house of Austria show, 
And Holland their invincible Nassau. 
Lines which in heraldry were ancient grown 
Before the name of Englishman was known. 
Even Scotland, too, her elder glory shows, 
Her Gordons, Hamiltons, and her Monro's ; 
Douglas', Mackays, and Grahams, names well known, 
Long before ancient England knew her own. 

But England, modern to the last degree 
Borrows or makes her own nobility, 
And yet she boldly boasts of pedigree : 
Repines that foreigners are put upon her, 
And talks of her antiquity and honour : 



Her S— lis, S— Is, C— Is, De— M— rs, 
M — ns and M — ues, D — s and V — rs, 
Not one have English names, yet all are English 

Your H — ns, P — lions, and L — liers, 

Pass now for true-born English knights and squires, 

And make good senate-members, or lord-mayors. 

Wealth, howsoever got, in England makes 

Lords of mechanics, gentlemen of rakes. 

Antiquity and birth are needless here ; 

'Tis impudence and money makes a peer. 

Innumerable city knights we know, 
From blue-coat-hospitals, and bridewell flow. 
Draymen and porters fill the city chair, 
And footboys magisterial purple wear. 
Fate has but very small distinction set 
Betwixt the counter and the coronet. 
Tarpaulin lords, pages of high renown, 
Rise up by poor men's valour, not their own ; 
Great families of yesterday we show, 
And lords, whose parents were the Lord knows who. 



The breed's described : now, Satire, if you can 
Their temper show, for manners make the man. 
Fierce as the Briton, as the Roman brave, 
And less inclined to conquer than to save ; 
Eager to fight, and lavish of their blood, 
And equally of fear and forecast void. 
The Pict has made them sour, the Dane morose, 
False from the Scot, and from the Norman worse. 
What honesty they have, the Saxon gave them, 
And that, now they grow old, begins to leave them. 
The climate makes them terrible and bold ; 
And English beef their courage does uphold : 
No danger can their daring spirit dull, 
Always provided when their belly's full. 

In close intrigues, their faculty's but weak ; 
For, gen'rally, whate'er they know they speak. 
And often their own councils undermine 
By their infirmity, and not design. 
From whence, the learned say, it does proceed, 
That English treason never can succeed : 
For they're so open-hearted, you may know 
Their own most secret thoughts, and others too. 

The lab'ring poor, in spite of double pay, 
Are saucy, mutinous, and beggarly ; 
So lavish of their money and their time, >j 
That want of forecast is the nation's crime. 


Good drunken company is their delight ; 

And what they get by day they spend by night. 

Dull thinking seldom does their heads engage, 

But drink their youth away, and hurry on old age. 

Empty of all good husbandry and sense ; 

And void of manners most when void of pence. 

Their strong aversion to behaviour's such, 

They always talk too little or too much. 

So dull, they never take the pains to think ; 

And seldom are good-natured but in drink. 

In English ale their dear enjoyment lies, 
For which they'll starve themselves and families. 
An Englishman will fairly drink as much 
As will maintain two families of Dutch : 
Subjecting all their labours to the pots ; 
The greatest artists are the greatest sots. 
The country poor do by example live ; 
The gentry lead them, and the clergy drive ; 
What may we not from such examples hope ? 
The landlord is their god, the priest their pope ; 
A drunken clergy, and a swearing bench, 
Has given the reformation such a drench, 
As wise men think, there is some cause to doubt, 
Will purge good manners and religion out. 

Nor do the poor alone their liquor prize, 
The sages join in this great sacrifice ; 
The learned men who study Aristotle, 
Correct him with an explanation bottle : 
Praise Epicurus rather than Lysander, 
And Aristippus more than Alexander ; 
The doctors too their Galen here resign, 
And generally prescribe specific wine ; 
The graduate's study's grown an easy task, 
While for the urinal they toss the flask ; 


The surgeon's art grows plainer every hour, 

And wine's the balm which into wounds they pour. 

Poets long since Parnassus have forsaken, 
And say the ancient bards were all mistaken. 
Apollo's lately abdicate and fled, 
And good king Bacchus reigneth in his stead : 
He does the chaos of the head refine, 
And atom thoughts jump into words by wine : 
The inspiration's of a finer nature, 
As wine must needs excel Parnassus water. 

Statesmen their weighty politics refine, 
And soldiers raise their courages by wine. 
Cecilia gives her choristers their choice, 
And lets them all drink wine to clear the voice. 

Some think the clergy first found out the way, 
And wine's the only spirit by which they pray, 
But others, less profane than so, agree, 
It clears the lungs, and helps the memory : 
And, therefore, all of them divinely think, 
Instead of study, 'tis as well to drink. 

And here I would be very glad to know, 
Whether our Asgilites may drink or no ; 
The enlightening fumes of wine would certainly 
Assist them much when they begin to fly ; 
Or if a fiery chariot should appear, 
Inflamed by wine, they'd have the less to fear. 

Even the gods themselves, as mortals say, 
Were they on earth, would be as drunk as they : 
Nectar would be no more celestial drink, 
They'd all take wine, to teach them how to think. 
But English drunkards, gods and men outdo, 
Drink their estates away, and senses too. 


Colon's in debt, and if his friend should fail 
To help him out, must die at last in jail : 
His wealthy uncle sent a hundred nobles, 
To pay his trifles off, and rid him of his troubles ; 
But Colon, like a true-born Englishman, 
Drunk all the money out in bright champaign, 
And Colon does in custody remain. 
Drunk'ness has been the darling of the realm, 
E'er since a drunken pilot had the helm. 

In their religion, they are so uneven, 
That each man goes his own byway to heaven. 
Tenacious of mistakes to that degree, 
That ev'ry man pursues it sep'rately. 
And fancies none can find the way but he : 
So shy of one another they are grown, 
As if they strove to get to heaven alone. 
Rigid and zealous, positive and grave, 
And ev'ry grace, but charity, they have ; 
This makes them so ill-natured and uncivil, 
That all men think an Englishman the devil. 

Surly to strangers, fro ward to their friend, 
Submit to love with a reluctant mind, 
Resolved to be ungrateful and unkind. 
If, by necessity, reduced to ask, 
The giver has the difficultest task ; 
For what's bestow'd they awkwardly receive, 
And always take less freely than they give : 
The obligation is their highest grief, 
They never love where they accept relief ; 
So sullen in their sorrows, that 'tis known, 
They'll rather die than their afflictions own ; 
And if relieved, it is too often true, 
That they'll abuse their benefactors too ; 
For in distress their haughty stomach's such, 
They hate to see themselves obliged too much ; 


Seldom contented, often in the wrong, 
Hard to be pleased at all, and never long. 

If your mistakes their ill opinion gain, 
No merit can their favour re-obtain : 
And if they're not vindictive in their fury, 
Tis their inconstant temper does secure ye ; 
Their brain's so cool, their passion seldom burns ; 
For all's condensed before the flame returns : 
The fermentation's of so weak a matter, 
The humid damps the flame, and runs it all to 
water ; 

So though the inclination may be strong, 
They're pleased by fits, and never angry long : 

Then, if good-nature show some slender proof. 
They never think they have reward enough ; 
But, like our modern quakers of the town, 
Expect your manners, and return you none. 

Friendship, th' abstracted union of the mind ? 
Which all men seek, but very few can find ; 
Of all the nations in the universe, 
None talk on't more, or understand it less ; 
For if it does their property annoy, 
Their property their friendship will destroy. 
As you discourse them, you shall hear them tell 
All things in which they think they do exel : 
No panegyric needs their praise record, 
An Englishman ne'er wants his own good word. 
His first discourses generally appear, 
Prologued with his own wond'rous character : 
When, to illustrate his own good name, 
He never fails his neighbour to defame. 
And yet he really designs no wrong, 
His malice goes no further than his tongue. 


But, pleased to tattle, he delights to rail, 
To satisfy the lech'ry of a tale. 
His own dear praises close the ample speech, 
Tells you how wise he is, that is, how rich : 
For wealth is wisdom ; he that's rich is wise ; 
And all men learned poverty despise : 
His generosity comes next, and then 
Concludes, that he's a true-born Englishman ; 
And they, 'tis known, are generous and free, 
Forgetting and forgiving injury: 
Which may be true, thus rightly understood, 
Forgiving ill turns, and forgetting good. 

Cheerful in labour when they've undertook it, 
But out of humour, when they're out of pocket. 
But if their belly and their pocket's full, 
They may be phlegmatic, but never dull : 
And if a bottle does their brains refine, 
It makes their wit as sparkling as their wine. 

As for the general vices which we find, 
They're guilty of in common with mankind. 
Satire forbear, and silently endure, 
We must conceal the crimes we cannot cure ; 
Nor shall my verse the brighter sex defame, 
For English beauty will preserve her name ; 
Beyond dispute agreeable and fair, 
And modester than other nations are ; 
For where the vice prevails, the great temptation 
Is want of money more than inclination ; 
In general this only is allow'd, 
They're something noisy, and a little proud. 

An Englishman is gentlest in command, 
Obedience is a stranger in the land : 
Hardly subjected to the magistrate ; 
For Englishmen do all subjection hate. 


Humblest when rich, but peevish when they're poor, 
And think whate'er they have, they merit more. 

The meanest English plowman studies law, 
And keeps thereby the magistrates in awe, 
Will boldly tell them what they ought to do, 
And sometimes punish their omissions too. 

Their liberty and property's so dear, 
They scorn their laws or governors to fear ; 
So bugbear'd with the name of slavery, 
They can't submit to their own liberty. 
Restraint from ill is freedom to the wise ! 
But Englishmen do all restraint despise. 
Slaves to the liquor, drudges to the pots ; 
The mob are statesmen, and their statesmen sots. 

Their governors, they count such dang'rous things, 
That 'tis their custom to affront their kings : 
So jealous of the power their kings possess'd, 
They suffer neither power nor kings to rest. 
The bad with force they eagerly subdue ; 
The good with constant clamours they pursue, 
And did king Jesus reign, they'd murmur too. 
A discontented nation, and by far 
Harder to rule in times of peace than war : 
Easily set together by the ears, 
And full of causeless jealousies and fears : 
Apt to revolt, and willing to rebel, 
And never are contented when they're well. 
No government could ever please them long, 
Could tie their hands, or rectify their tongue* 
In this, to ancient Israel well compared, 
Eternal murmurs are among them heard. 

It was but lately, that they were oppress'd, 
Their rights invaded, and their laws suppress'd i 
life. a a 


When nicely tender of their liberty, 
Lord! what a noise they made of slavery. 
In daily tumults show'd their discontent, 
Lampoon'd their king, and mock'd his government. 
And if in arms they did not first appear, 
'Twas want of force, and not for want of fear. 
In humbler tone than English used to do, 
At foreign hands for foreign aid they sue. 

William, the great successor of Nassau, 
Their prayers heard, and their oppressions saw : 
He saw and saved them : God and him they praised : 
To this their thanks, to that their trophies raised. 
But glutted with their own felicities, 
They soon their new deliverer despise ; 
Say all their prayers back, their joy disown, 
Unsing their thanks, and pull their trophies down ; 
Their harps of praise are on the willows hung 
For Englishmen are ne'er contented long. 

The reverend clergy too, and who'd ha' thought 
That they who had such non-resistance taught, 
Should e'er to arms against their prince be brought, 
Who up to heav'n did regal power advance ; 
Subjecting English laws to modes of France, 
Twisting religion so with loyalty, 
As one could never live, and t'other die ; 
And yet no sooner did their prince design 
Their glebes and perquisites to undermine, 
But all their passive doctrines laid aside, 
The clergy their own principles denied : 
Unpreach'd their non-resisting cant, and pray'd 
To heav'n for help, and to the Dutch for aid ; 
The church chimed all her doctrines back again, 
And pulpit-champions did the cause maintain ; 
Elew in the face of all their former zeal, 
And non-resistance did at once repeal. 


The Rabbis say it would be too prolix, 
To tie religion up to politics, 
The church's safety is suprema lex ; 
And so by a new figure of their own, 
Their former doctrines all at once disown ; 
As laws post facto in the parliament. 
In urgent cases have obtained assent ; 
But are as dangerous precedents laid by, 
Made lawful only by necessity. 

The rev'rend fathers then in arms appear, 
And men of God became the men of war : 
The nation, fired by them, to arms apply, 
Assault their antichristian monarchy ; 
To their due channel all our laws restore, 
And made things what they should have been before. 
But when they came to fill the vacant throne, 
And the pale priests look'd back on what they'd done, 
How England liberty began to thrive, 
And church of England loyalty outlive ; 
How all their persecuting days were done, 
And their deliv'rer placed upon the throne : 
The priests, as priests are wont to do, turn'd tail, 
They're Englishmen, and nature will prevail ; 
Now they deplore the ruins they have made, 
And murmur for the master they betray'd ; 
Excuse those crimes they could not make him mend, 
And suffer for the cause they can't defend ; 
Pretend they'd not have carried things so high, 
And proto-martyrs make for popery. 

Had the prince done as they design'd the thing, 
High set the clergy up to rule the king ; 
Taken a donative for coming hither, 
And so have left their king and them together ; 
We had, say they, been now a happy nation ; 
No doubt we had seen a blessed reformation : 



For wise men say 'tis as dangerous a thing, 
A ruling priesthood, as a priest-rid king ; 
And of all plagues with which mankind are curst, 
Ecclesiastic tyranny's the worst. 

If all our former grievances were feign'd, 
King James has been abused, and we trepann'd ; 
Bugbear'd with popery and power despotic, 
Tyrannic government, and leagues exotic ; 
The revolution's a fanatic plot, 

W a tyrant, S a sot ; 

A factious army and a poison'd nation, 
Unjustly forced king James's abdication. 

But if he did the subjects' rights invade 
Then he was punish'd only, not betrayed ; 
And punishing of kings is no such crime, 
But Englishmen have done it many a time. 

When kings the sword of justice first lay down, 
They are no kings, though they possess the crown. 
Titles are shadows, crowns are empty things, 
The good of subjects is the end of kings ; 
To guide in war, and to protect in peace, 
Where tyrants once commence the kings do cease ; 
For arbitrary power's so strange a thing, 
It makes the tyrant and unmakes the king : 
If kings by foreign priests and armies reign, 
And lawless power against their oaths maintain, 
Then subjects must have reason to complain ; 
If oaths must bind us when our kings do ill, 
To call in foreign aid is to rebel : 
By force to circumscribe our lawful prince, 
Is wilful treason in the largest sense : 
And they who once rebel, must certainly 
Their God, and king, and former oaths defy ; 
If ye allow no mal-administration 
Could cancel the allegiance of the nation, 


Let all our learned sons of Levi try, 

This ecclesiastic riddle to untie ; 

How they could make a step to call the prince, 

And yet pretend the oath and innocence. 

By th' first address they made beyond the seas 
They're perjur'd in the most intense degrees ; 
And without scruple for the time to come, 
May swear to all the kings in Christendom : 
Nay truly did our kings consider all, 
They'd never let the clergy swear at all ; 
Their politic allegiance they'd refuse, 
For whores and priests do never want excuse. 

But if the mutual contract was dissolved, 
The doubt's explain'd, the difficulty solved ; 
That kings, when they descend to tyranny, 
Dissolve the bond, and leave the subject free ; 
The government's ungirt when justice dies, 
And constitutions are nonentities. 
The nation's all a mob, there's no such thing, 
As lords, or commons, parliament, or king ; 
A great promiscuous crowd the Hydra lies, 
Till laws revive and mutual contract ties ; 
A chaos free to choose for their own share, 
What case of government they please to wear ; 
If to a king they do the reins commit, 
All men are bound in conscience to submit ; 
But then the king must by his oath assent, 
To Postulates of the government ; 
Which if he breaks he cuts off* the entail, 
And power retreats to its original. 

This doctrine has the sanction of assent 
From nature's universal parliament : 
The voice of nations, and the course of things, 
Allow that laws superior are to kings ; 


None but delinquents would have justice cease, 

Knaves rail at laws, as soldiers rail at peace ; 

For justice is the end of government, 

As reason is the test of argument : 

No man was ever yet so void of sense, 

As to debate the right of self-defence ; 

A principle so grafted in the mind, 

With nature born, and does like nature bind ; 

Twisted with reason, and with nature too, 

As neither one nor t'other can undo. 

Nor can this right be less when national, 
Reason which governs one should govern all ; 
Whate'er the dialect of courts may tell, 
He that his right demands can ne'er rebel ; 
Which right, if 'tis by governors denied, 
May be procured by force or foreign aid ; 
For tyranny's a nation's term of grief, 
As folks cry fire to hasten in relief ; 
And when the hated word is heard about, 
All men should come to help the people out. 

Thus England groan'd, Britannia's voice 

And great Nassau to rescue her appear'd : 
CalPd by the universal voice of fate, 
God and the people's legal magistrate : 
Ye heavens regard! Almighty Jove look down, 
And view thy injured monarch on the throne; 
On their ungrateful heads due vengeance take 
Who sought his aid, and then his part forsake : 
Witness, ye powers! it was our call alone, 
Which now our pride makes us ashamed to own 
Britannia's troubles fetch'd him from afar, 
To court the dreadful casualties of war ; 
But where requital never can be made, 
Acknowledgment's a tribute seldom paid. 


He dwelt in bright Maria's circling arms, 
Defended by the magic of her charms, 
From foreign fears and from domestic harms ; 
Ambition found no fuel for her fire, 
He had what God could give, or man desire, 
Till pity roused him from his soft repose, 
His life to unseen hazards to expose ; 
Till pity moved him in our cause to appear, 
Pity ! that word which now we hate to hear ; 
But English gratitude is always such, 
To hate the hand that does oblige too much* 

Britannia's cries gave birth to his intent, 
And hardly gain'd his unforeseen assent ; 
His boding thoughts foretold him he should find 
The people fickle, selfish, and unkind ; 
Which thought did to his royal heart appear 
More dreadful than the dangers of the war ; 
For nothing grates a generous mind so soon, 
As base returns for hearty service done. 

Satire, be silent ! awfully prepare 
Britannia's song, and William's praise to hear ; 
Stand by, and let her cheerfully rehearse 
Her grateful vows in her immortal verse. 
Loud fame's eternal trumpet let her sound, 
Listen, ye distant poles, and endless round, 
May the strong blast the welcome news convey, 
As far as sound can reach or spirit fly ! 
To neighb'ring worlds, if such there be, relate 
Our hero's fame for theirs to imitate ; 
To distant worlds of spirits let her rehearse, 
For spirits without the helps of voice converse ; 
May angels hear the gladsome news on high, 
Mix'd with their everlasting symphony ; 
And hell itself stand in surprise to know, 
Whether it be the fatal blast or no. 



The fame of virtue 'tis for which I sound, 

And heroes with immortal triumphs crown'd ; 

Fame, built on solid virtue, swifter flies, 

Than morning light can spread the eastern skies : 

The gath'ring air returns the doubling sound, 

And loud repeating thunders force it round ; 

Echoes return from caverns of the deep, 

Old Chaos dreams on't in eternal sleep : 

Time hands it forward to its latest urn, 

From whence it never, never shall return : 

Nothing is heard so far, or lasts so long, 

'Tis heard by ev'ry ear, and spoke by ev'ry tongue. 

My hero, with the sails of honour furl'd, 
Rises like the great genius of the world ; 
By fate and fame wisely prepared to be 
The soul of war and life of victory ; 
He spreads the wings of virtue on the throne, 
And ev'ry wind of glory fans them on ; 
Immortal trophies dwell upon his brow, 
Fresh as the garlands he has won but now. 

By different steps the high ascent he gains, 
And differently that high ascent maintains : 
Princes for pride and lust of rule make war, 
And struggle for the name of conqueror ; 
Some fight for fame, and some for victory, 
He fights to save, and conquers to set free. 


Then seek no phrase his titles to conceal, 
And hide with words what actions must reveal ; 
No parallel from Hebrew stories take, 
Of godlike kings my similies to make ; 
No borrowed names conceal my living theme, 
But names and things directly I proclaim ; 
His honest merit does his glory raise, 
Whom that exalts let no man fear to praise ; 
Of such a subject no man need be shy, 
Virtue's above the reach of flattery ; 
He needs no character but his own fame, 
Nor any flattering titles but his own name. 

William's the name that's spoke by ev'ry tongue, 
William's the darling subject of my song ; 
Listen, ye virgins, to the charming sound, 
And in eternal dances hand it round ; 
Your early offerings to this altar bring, 
Make him at once a lover and a king ; 
May he submit to none but to your arms, 
Nor ever be subdued, but by your charms ; 
May your soft thoughts for him be all sublime, 
And ev'ry tender vow be made for him ; 
May he be first in ev'ry morning thought, 
And heav'n ne'er hear a prayer where he's left out; 
May every omen, every boding dream, 
Be fortunate by mentioning his name ; 
May this one charm infernal powers affright, 
And guard you from the terror of the night ; 
May ev'ry cheerful glass as it goes down 
To William's health, be cordials to your own: 
Let ev'ry song be choruss'd with his name, 
And music pay her tribute to his fame ; 
Let ev'ry poet tune his artful verse, 
And in immortal strains his deeds rehearse : 
And may Apollo never more inspire 
The disobedient bard with his seraphic fire : 


May all my sons their grateful homage pay, 
His praises sing, and for his safety pray. 

Satire, return to our unthankful isle, 
Secured by heaven's regards, and William's toil ; 
To both ungrateful, and to both untrue, 
Rebels to God, and to good nature too. 

If e'er this nation be distress'd again, 
To whomsoe'er they cry, they'll cry in vain : 
To heav'n they cannot have the face to look, 
Or, if they should, it would but heav'n provoke ; 
To hope for help from man would be too much, 
Mankind would always tell 'em of the Dutch : 
How they came here our freedoms to maintain, 
Were paid, and cursed, and hurried home again : 
How by their aid we first dissolved our fears, 
And then our helpers damn'd for foreigners : 
'Tis not our English temper to do better, 
For Englishmen think ev'ry one their debtor. 

'Tis worth observing, that we ne'er complain'd 
Of foreigners, nor of the wealth we gain'd, 
Till all their services were at an end : 
Wise men affirm it is the English way, 
Never to grumble till they come to pay ; 
And then they always think, their temper's such, 
The work too little, and the pay too much. 

As frighted patients, when they want a cure, 
Bid any price, and any pain endure : 
But when the doctor's remedies appear, 
The cure's too easy, and the price too dear : 
Great Portland near was banter'd when he strove, 
For us his master's kindest thoughts to move : 
We ne'er lampoon'd his conduct, when employ'd 
King James's secret councils to divide ; 


Then we caress'd him as the only man, 

Who could the doubtful oracle explain ; 

The only Hushai, able to repel 

The dark designs of our Achitophel : 

Compared his master's courage to his sense, 

The ablest statesman, and the bravest prince ; 

On his wise conduct we depended much, 

Aad liked him ne'er the worse for being Dutch: 

Nor was he valued more than he deserved, 

Freely he ventured, faithfully he served : 

In all King William's dangers he has shared, 

In England's quarrels always he appear'd : 

The revolution first, and then the Boyne, 

In both his counsels and his conduct shine ; 

His martial valour Flanders will confess, 

And France regrets his managing the peace ; 

Faithful to England's interest and her king, 

The greatest reason of our murmuring : 

Ten years in English service he appear'd, 

And gain'd his master's and the world's regard ; 

But 'tis not England's custom to reward, 

The wars are over, England needs him not ; 

Now he's a Dutchman, and the Lord knows what. 

Schonbergh, the ablest soldier of his age, 
With great Nassau did in our cause engage ; 
Both join'd for England's rescue and defence, 
The greatest captain and the greatest prince ; 
With what applause his stories did we tell, 
Stories which Europe's volumes largely swell ! 
We counted him an army in our aid, 
Where he commanded, no man was afraid ; 
His actions with a constant conquest shine, 
Erom Villa Vitiosa to the Rhine ; 
France, Flanders, German}', his fame confess, 
And all the world was fond of him but us : 


Our turn first served, we grudged him the command, 
Witness the grateful temper of the land. 

We blame the k — , that he relies too much, 
On Strangers, Germans, Hugenots, and Dutch ; 
And seldom does his great affairs of state, 
To English counsellors communicate ; 
The fact might very well be answer'd thus : 
He had so often been betray'd by us, 
He must have been a madman to rely, 
On English gentlemen's fidelity ; 
For, laying other arguments aside : 
This thought might mortify our English pride ; 
That foreigners have faithfully obey'd him, 
And none but Englishmen have e'er betray'd him : 
They have our ships and merchants bought and sold, 
And barter'd English blood for foreign gold ; 
First to the French they sold our Turkey fleet, 
And injured Talmarsh next at Cameret ; 
The king himself is shelter'd from their snares, 
Not by his merits, but the crown he wears ; 
Experience tells us 'tis the English way, 
Their benefactors always to betray. 

And, lest examples should be too remote, 
A modern magistrate of famous note, 
Shall give you his own history by rote ; 
I'll make it out, deny it he that can, 
His worship is a true-born Englishman ; 
By all the latitude that empty word, 
By modern acceptation's understood : 
The parish books his great descent record, 
And now he hopes ere long to be a lord ; 
And truly, as things go, it would be pity, 
But such as he bore office in the city ; 
While robb'ry for burnt-offering he brings, 
And gives to God what he has stole from kings ; 



Great monuments of charity he raises, 

And good St. Magnus whistles out his praises ; 

To city jails he grants a jubilee, 

And hires huzzas from his own mobile. 

Lately he wore the golden chain and gown, 
With which equipp'd he thus harangued the town. 




With clouted iron shoes and sheepskin breeches, 
More rags than manners, and more dirt than riches; 
From driving cows and calves to Laton market, 
While of my greatness there appear'd no spark yet; 
Behold I come, to let you see the pride, 
With which exalted beggars always ride. 

Born to the needful labours of the plough, 
The cart-whip graced me as the chain does now ; 
Nature and fate in doubt what course to take, 
Whether 1 should a lord or plough-boy make, 
Kindly at last resolved they would promote me, 
And first a knave, and then a knight they vote me: 
What fate appointed, nature did prepare, 
And furnish'd me with an exceeding care ; 
To fit me for what they design'd to have me, 
And ev'ry gift, but honesty, they gave me. 

And thus equipp'd, to this proud town I came, 
In quest of bread, and not in quest of fame ; 
Blind to my future fate, an humble boy, 
Free from the guilt and glory I enjoy ; 
The hopes which my ambition entertain'd, 
Were in the name of foot-boy all contain'd : 
The greatest heights from small beginnings rise, 
The gods were great on earth before they reach'd 
the skies. 

B — well, the generous temper of whose mind 
Was always to be bountiful inclined ; 


Whether by his ill fate or fancy led, 

First took me up, and furnish'd me with bread : 

The little services he put me to, 

Seem'd labours rather than were truly so ; 

But always my advancement he design'd, 

For 'twas his very nature to be kind : 

Large was his soul, his temper ever free, 

The best of masters and of men to me ; 

And I who was before decreed by fate, 

To be made infamous as well as great ; 

With an obsequious diligence obey'd him, 

Till trusted with his all, and then betray'd him. 

All his past kindnesses I trampled on, 
Ruin'd his fortunes to erect my own : 
So vipers in the bosom bred, begin, 
To hiss at that hand first which took them in ; 
With eager treach'ry I his fall pursued, 
And my first trophies were ingratitude. 

Ingratitude's the worst of human guilt, 
The basest action mankind can commit ; 
Which, like the sin against the Holy Ghost, 
Has least of honour, and of guilt the most : 
Distinguish'd from all other crimes by this, 
That 'tis a crime which no man will confess ; 
That sin alone, which should not be forgiven 
On earth, although perhaps it may in heaven. 

Thus my first benefactor I o'erthrew, 
And how should I be to a second true ? 
The public trust came next into my care, 
And I to use them scurvily prepare : 
My needy sov'reign lord I played upon, 
And lent him many a thousand of his own: 
For which great interest I took care to charge, 
And so my ill-got wealth became so large. 



My predecessor Judas was a fool, 
Fitter to have been whipped and sent to school, 
Than sell a Saviour : had I been at hand, 
His master had not been so cheap trepann'd ; 
I would have made the eager Jews have found, 
For thirty pieces, thirty thousand pound. 

My cousin Ziba, of immortal fame, 
(Ziba and I shall never want a name,) 
First-born of treason, nobly did advance 
His master's fall for his inheritance : 
By whose keen arts old David first began, 
To break his sacred oath to Jonathan : 
The good old king, 'tis thought, was very loath 
To break his word, and therefore broke his oath : 
Ziba's a traitor of some quality, 
Yet Ziba might have been inform'd by me : 
Had I been there he ne'er had been content, 
With half th' estate, nor half the government. 

In our late revolution 'twas thought strange, 
That I of all mankind should like the change ; 
But they who wonder'd at it never knew, 
That in it I did my old game pursue ; 
Nor had they heard of twenty thousand pound, 
Which ne'er was lost, yet never could be found. 

Thus all things in their turn to sale I bring, 
God and my master first, and then the king, 
Till by successful villanies made bold, 
I thought to turn the nation into gold : 
And so to forgery my hand I bent, 
Not doubting I could gull the government, 
But there was ruffled by the parliament ; 
And if I 'scaped the unhappy tree to climb, 
'Twas want of law, and not for want of crime; 


But my old friend who printed in my face, * 
A needful competence of English brass ; 
Having more business yet for me to do, 
And loath to lose his trusty servant so, 
Managed the matter with such art and skill, 
As saved his hero, and threw out the bill. 

And now I'm graced with unexpected honours, 
For which I'll certainly abuse the donors ; 
Knighted and made a tribune of the people, 
Whose laws and properties I'm like to keep well, 
The custos rotulorum of the city, 
And captain of the guards of their banditti ; 
Surrounded by my catchpoles, I declare, 
Against the needy debtor open war ; 
I hang poor thieves for stealing of your pelf, 
And suffer none to rob you but myself. 

The king commanded me to help reform ye, 

And how I'll do't, Miss shall inform ye. 

I keep the best seraglio in the nation, 
And hope in time to bring it into fashion ; 
No brimstone-whore need fear the lash from me, 
That part I'll leave to brother Jefferey : 
Our gallants need not go abroad to Rome, 
I'll keep a whoring jubilee at home : 
Whoring' s the darling of my inclination, 
An't I a magistrate for reformation ? 
For this my praise is sung by ev'ry bard, 
For which Bridewell would be a just reward ; 
In print my panegyric fills the street, 
And hired gaol-birds their huzzas repeat ; 
Some charities contrived to make a show, 
Have taught the needy rabble to do so ; 
Whose empty noise is a mechanic fame, 
Since for sir Beelzebub they'd do the same. 

•The deyil. 

LIFE. B b 



Then let us boast of ancestors no more, 

Or deeds of heroes done in days of yore, 

In latent records of the ages past, 

Behind the rear of time, in long oblivion placed ; 

For if our virtues must in lines descend, 

The merit with the families would end, 

And intermixtures would most fatal grow, 

For vice would be hereditary too ; 

The tainted blood would of necessity 

Involuntary wicknedness convey. 

Vice, like ill nature, for an age or two, 
May seem a generation to pursue ; 
But virtue seldom does regard the breed, 
Fools do the wise, and wise men fools succeed. 

What is't to us what ancestors we had ? 
If good, what better ? or what worse, if bad ? 
Examples are for imitation set, 
Yet all men follow virtue with regret. 

Could but our ancestors retrieve their fate, 
And see their offspring thus degenerate; 
How we contend for birth and names unknown, 
And build on their past actions, not our own ; 
They'd cancel records, and their tombs deface, 
And openly disown the vile degenerate race : 
For fame of families is all a cheat, 
It's personal virtue only makes us great.